Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, July 27, 1855, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated July 27, 1855 Page 1
Text content (automatically generated)

BY CiEO. W. BOH IIAX. NEW SERIES. Select |)oetrn. From the Sunday Dispatch. A IHiKUL IIV WALTER. I dreampt that I was courting— Oh, what a merry dream! 1 told her that ! loved her. Ami -he confessed the same ; My a"" was wound around her ; My lip- to hers were pressed ; And note- ol brightest tissue Were swelling in my breast. 1 dreanript that 1 was married— Oh what a happy dream ! My bride was fair and lovely As sunlights brightest beam ; Her lips were red as cherries; Her bosom white as snow; And as she spoke her rapture Her voice was soft and low. 1 dreampt I was a father— Oh, what a funny dream ! My children round me gather, Their eyes with pleasure gleam ; Their meiry gleesome prattle Falls sweetly on my ear: I love to watch their gambols, For they are very dear. Tis past—my vision's ended— "l'was nothing but a dream ; These slumbering mid-night fancies, How life-like do tlipy seem! The morning -no arising, They vanish one bv one, And I awake di-lieaiteued To find myself alone. THE BEDFORD eiZETTBT Bedford, .Inly 37, I s.H.T, iii:\ki (lavs so\ repuhates the know Xotilings! A son of Henry Clay, at present the proprie tor of the old family mansion, has been taking the stump against the new "American" orga nization. I'iie Kentucky Statesman savs that a great interest was manifested to hear the first political speech of the son of as renowned an or ator as Henry Clay, and a verv large concourse of citizens attended the meeting. The speech is given as follows: The next gentleman who took the stand was .Mr. James 15. Clay, who, as we have already remarked, is the son of the great statesman, and has succeeded to the paternal estate of Ashland. ' Mr. Clay said that this was his first effort at ! a public speech, and nothing less than the pro found interest which fie felt in the great ques tions at issue, could induce him to appear on 1 this occasion. Never before had such extraor- I dinarv, such alarming, such novel questions • been presented for (he political consideration of the American people. His apprehensions were < aroused in view of them, and he sometimes 1 trembled for the fate of the country. The idea ' that this government was to he taken into the I keeping of a secret, political, oath-bound organ- ■ ization, which set up unconstitutional test-oaths, 1 and the members* of which were bound to each ' other by the most terrible obligations, was to ( him most alarming, and should, in his judgment, ' arouse the apprehensions of every patriotic man 1 in the whole country. ' Mr. Clav denied that the platform put forth ' by the late Know Nothing Convention at Phil- •' adelphia, was the real platform of the party — ' parly did I call them, said he: no, thev are not a party in any proper acceptation of tin* term. ( I'a.-ties have, heretofore, been open, public and ' above board ; but this is a secret, oath-bound, ( political organization, which is seeking after the 5 political power of the country, by ways and * in'ans unknown to the law and in palpable ' disregard of the long established usages of the people and the history of the Government. Jt flight political power, not by open and fair means, but by secret plotting?, cabalistic pass words, by signs ami grips, unknown to the peo ple at large, and in palpable violation of the whole spirit and genius of the Government. No, said he, the true platform of this extraor oinaiy organization is to be found in llipir oaths and ritual. There were to be found the things which they were sworn to do and to carrv out : and looking into These oaths and the ritual, he found that their objects were to strike at the citizens of foreign birth, nt the immigration from other countries, to disfranchise, degrade and disgrace them, hy depriving them not only *' !e f'ght to Americanize themselves, but by cutting tlierri ofF from the rights of hospitality and humanity. They also sought to disfran c use and degrade another class of our citizens, i'ether native born or foreign, on account of | 'fir religious opinions, in plain violation of the onstitution of the country, and regardless of -■"' plainest dictates of justice and humanity. -lr. (Jay said that, rather than submit any a tended remarks of his own on these subjects, | " had chosen to collate the expressed and an- f " otic opinions of the old fathers of the repute- t | C v, 3n " r ** at ® extensively from the writings t ( ashington, of Jefferson, of Madison, of f ac " son i ol Qnincy and others. s ,i his happy effort by saving 1 a , M.ough the old \\ hig party, with which he a 'at a v\ aye acted, was broken and dispersed, m appeared there as one of the old rear e"ar o| tnat once powerful and great partv : 1 "i that capacity he protested against this i-cret organization, as fraught with danger " ' K <"funtrv and rte liberties; and he called I" ,l the old liners of fhe Whig parly fo J "0 Jinn iu the protect. From the Presbyterian Critic. THE UIEIIIIMN PARTY. There is no demand whatever, for a great na tional movement against the Catholic church. The recent excitement in the country has been, in the main, the result of a corrupt movement of unprincipled politicians, to excite the Pro testant feeling, and to ride into power upon the tide. They have run lon lof the great maxim, which they* have so conspicuously set forward among their principles, as if for the purpose of exposing the profligacy ofthe whole movement, by violating in practice what they practice in theory. It is absurd to deny, that making the mere religious sentiments of a man, the reason tor refusing to vote for him, is a violation ofthe great principle of religious liberty. Jt is allow ing a principle of discriminating the political aspect of a vote to he sound and just : which would be wicked and unprincipled, it embodied in a law-. If our neighbors make their dislike to our Presbyterian sentiments, the ground of their refusing to vote for us, it is perfectly use- ; less to disguise, that we are under political re sponsibility for religious opinions—that quoad hoc, we are suffering for them. The objection able feature in this view ofthe case is, making religious opinion unattended hy anv viciousness . ot action grow ing out of it, a ground for an uni versal discrimination iri political affairs, affect- j ing permanently large masses of citizens. This is our lirst and great objection to the American j or Know-Nothing party: it is violating the very principle of leligious liberty, which it pro fesses to conserve ; and has adopted a construc tion of that principle which strips it of all prac tical force, leaving it a dead letter in the statute hook, and abandoning its control over the poli tical action of the people. We object again to a political movement a gainst tile Catholic church, because there is rio necessity lor it, provided the people of this coun try will properly employ the legitimate agencies of opposition which are in their power. The simple and sufficient condition of the preserva- i tion ot the republic from the arts of Romanism is the lull and efficient support ot the Protestant church—the complete and animated mainten ance of (lie domestic missionary enterprises of the various Protestant denominations. This is the great conservative element of our political system : sustain anil vivify it with the vigor ous energy whith it ought to possess, and it need not he feared that anv ol the great social or po litical interests that are conditioned upon it, will ever come to harm. It is the only not less than theonly legitimate power which can be; effectively employed to restrain Popery, and maintain the institutions of our government.— j AH ooTpcwr hov<- disguised in torm ' or limited in extent, will inure to the benefit of the body enduring it. The policy then of res training Popery by political disabilities inflicted j upon the individual Catholic, is suicidal in the j extreme. Jt will concentrate and intensify the j attachment of its members, and render them more arid more unapproachable by Protestant , instruction. It will create sympathy, and thus open wide tiie door to proselvtism, and it will put the church in an attitude far more attractive, as the victim of an unjustifiable crusade, than it i is at all entitled to assume from its intrinsic j charms. How* long is the world tope learning the lesson and never coming to the knowledge ! of the truth, that all means hut reason and love to affect the opinions of men, only result in ; strengthening attachment to their original con- 1 victions ! The principle of this opposition to j Popery is vicious, and the more completely it is j carried into effect, the more disastrous will be j the result. The more complete the political victory over Popery, the more it will be bene fitted. The only effective—as it is the only j , law ful, general and permanent agency of oppo- j sition to the Popish church—is the true Protes- i . taut church of Christ under its various forms.— ! i We have no right to complain ofthe inefficieti- ( cv of the means until we have employed it ful- j I V, and tested all its capacities. Let the people j of the I nited States double their support of tin great domestic missionary work, and they may j safely abandon all political agitations against the j Catholic church. ; ( We object again to the American party, tiiat I it is condensing the Catholic and foreign t ie- i merit in our population into a political i distinct from the mass of our citizens, aimed c with all their power to do mischief, and anima- < ted by all that hostility which is natural to men | suffering under an ostracism of their religion t and birth, and provoked hv an attempt to dim- <. inish their full equality with other citizens.— r Now what does Know-Nothingism propose to 1 do for the remedy of this evil which it hascrea- | ted ? It only proposes to render the Catholic I and foreign citizens ineligible to office. It t leaves them the power to vote, and the right of i unlimited emigration in the future—the two f great means of mischief, if thev are pleased to t use them. There ran he no remedy for the-c Pope's control over the Catholic vote, except t in taking away the elective franchise altogeth- ' er. Now, it is, to say the least ol it, the most I manlv and honest jioliey to prohibit ttie entry t of a Catholic and a foreigner altogether, into the t country, and to the rights of citizenship, rather a than invite them to come and then begin to an- 11 noy them by a whole series of political disabi- j lities, which are assumed to be essential to a I p defence against them. Indeed, the inference of! t the Know-Nothing creed, on both the issues it ( has raised, is a logical and a practical blunder c from its own premises. It assumes in the I L strongest sense of an existing fact, not as a j g logical inference from the Catholic creed, the a absolute incompatibility of the Catholic Church j and th<- free institutions of this Country. This c is its premise ; its inference is, to render the j b individual Catholic ineligible to office ; the true a inference from the premise as they construe it I is, that the Catholic church ought not to lie c tolerated at all. On the other issue, the prem- i ise is. that the foreign element in our popula- I r lion is dangerous 1© the government: the infe- ! n | rence is, the reduction of a part of the rights of citizenship —the ineligibility to office, in the i foreigners already here, and an extension o( the term ol naturalization. The tine inference is, the prohibition of all emigration for the.future, acd the avoidance of everything that would exasparate the foreign element already in the midst of us : the careful observance of every thing which would tend to strengthen their attachment tc> the institutions of the country.— ; f Imse are tlie results which logically issue from the premises of the Know-Nothing creed, and j which they are logically required to assume. But they dare not do it : the measure they propose to adopt—the exclusion from office— is ridiculously incomplete as a practical expe dient : it is a most impotent and fame conclu sion, as a logical inference. It is absolutely ne cessary, either to cease this political crusade against large masses of our people, or to make jit effectual to accomplish, not only the epds it holds in view, but to prevent the incidental evils the effort .it reform has created in its pro gress. Nothing short of a far more effective : diminution of the common rights of citizenship than lias yet dared to assume the shape of a public proposition, will meet the ends which the Ameriran party are seeking to accomplish. It is absurd to admit large classes of men to all tlie common rights of citizenship, except one, and that by no means the most important one. If there is a reason why they should he deprived jof one they should be deprived of all. II it is right to allow them to vote, it is right to allow them to he voted for : the one right is almost, if not altogether, the correlative of the other. Anv argument which would prove a man disquali fied for office would prove him disqualified to vote. There may be special reasons why par ticular offices, involving the representation of | the national character, as well as the national policy, should be exclusively occupied by na . tive-horn citizens: hut this is very different in nature, and proceeds upon a wholly different principle of political wisdom, from the univer sal declaration of ineligibility to all office among | large masses of citizens. That eligibility, at i laches, as an incident, or inheres among tlie mass of the common rights of citizenship : and it is absurd to admit the citizenship in general, and deny this single capacity which it involves. This principle ol action involves the explana tion of the difficulty raised bv the writer in the Critic f>r May, in relation to the eligibility of i the Chinese or a Mohammedan. This question will he settled by the settlement of a previous question, and that is, whether large masies of such persons, pagans and polygamists, ate to be admitted at all to the permanent participation in the rights of citizetshijfjin a Christian country? •- It is oh this quest-on, th* great Mormon issue, , now ripening for trial, will he determined in a few years. Conceding this issue as determined in the affirmative, all minor questions, such as : eligibility to office, and propriety of voting >uch persons into office, are settled : it is absurd to : question tlie ordinarv proprn fy of allowing by i vote, what is allowable by law. The whole . question, as a general proposition, is determined I by tlie permanent admission of large masses of persons in view, to tlie common rights of citi ! zenship. It is one tiling to allow specific priv ileges to individual foreigners residing on our soil, for specific purposes-: hot it is altogether another, to disfranchise in part, and bv a prin ciple designed to he permanent, immense masses of men already permanently a part of the pop ulation, and so rccognizeff. We insi.-t, there fore, that the whole movement must retrace its progress, or go foiward: it is unwise in tlie extreme to leave all their power for mischief in their hands, resulting in part from their sim ple existence ill the country as a part of its population, and, in part from tlie privileges which are still to he left them—and then ex asperate them to use it, bv attempting to reduce their full political equality with citizens ol other uiith and other religious opinions. We object in the last place, and with rl-ep severity of conviction, to the principles of or ganization adopted by the American or know nothing party, and to some of the particular features which (hey have embodied in their order. If ever any principle wasat war with the very foundation of the American republic, it is tfie principle ofa secret,oath-bound organ ization ol political parti-s. It is unnecessary, dangerous, hostile to the fundamental maxims of republican liberty, and, in its existing as pect, demoralizing in a high degree. It strikes a blow at that great fundamental maxim of the government —the intelligence of the people— an essential element of republican liberty.— What matters it how much intelligence the people may have, if political men will conceal from them the elements upon which to employ that intelligence, in the foundation of an opin ion and the adoption of a policy. The duties of a man are correlative. If it is the duty ol the people to require knowledge of any parly claiming their suffrages, before they endorse them, it is the duty of that party to give it.— No party lias the right to retire into the dark, hind itself to secrecy under oath, unfold what they please and conceal what they please from the people; nor have the people the shadow of a moral right to give lheir sanction to that, of the propriety of which, they are not informed. Moreover this principle of organization will prove utterly subversive of the Constitution of the T'nited States, by placing the legislation of Congress in the hands of an irresponsible asso ciation of its members; in a body totally un known to the Constitution, distinct from Con gress itself, existing within but independent of, and independent of all responsibility to, any public or recognized law. The Congressional council, itself at war with the Constitution, will be under the control of the National council : end the result will be, that the Congress of the Cnited States will become, under the full suc cess of Know Nothing principles, a mere reg istry of decrees to a body in the heart of the country, unknown to the constitution—existing, no one can tell where—aiming at no one can Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD; PA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 27. 1855. tell what. It is a principle of party organiza tion, which, by demanding the unlimited sub mission of the minority to the majority, annihi lates the balance-power of a Parlimentarv oppo sition. and all the advantages that belong to it. It extinguishes the personal independence of the voter, destroys the jurisdiction of conscience over the political conduct, and makes it a con dition to the preservation of his integrity, if a voter should happen to scruple a measure or at man proposed by the order, that he absolutely abandon the party altogether. Lastly : if this principle of secrecy and ob-. ligation under oath is legitimate lor one party, it is legitimate lor all; every party may adopt it : the "sag-nicbt" clubs of the foreigners of the West are wholly justified : "and the whole |Kditicabdestinies of the country may be con troled by secret, oath-bound organizations—a hybrid mixture of Masonary and a political caucus, with all good in either spoiled by the conjunction. Can any man in this nation con template such a prospect—the legitimate result of the principle of organization adopted by the know-nothing party —without emotions of a larm amounting to terror ? It is a principle, legitimate in a condition of society where the lives of men are dependent upon the fidelity of their political associates; it is utterly abominable in any other. Yet the accomplished writer in the Critic, for May, would place such a prin ciple, in point of political morality, on the same footing with the vote by ballot! We have only to add, that if the Nationality, the Federal ITiion and the Protestant Civiliza tion of this county, are dependent upon the conservatism of this new political combination, its past acts indicate most fearfully that gloomy times are ahead. Remarks of lieu. Pass at Detroit on the FOIRTH. MY FELLOW-CITIZEXS :—lf the birth day of a warrior or statesman, distinguished for emi nent services, is celebrated with demonstrations of public rejoicing, surely the birth-day of a Republic ought not to be forgotten. This day seventy-nine years ago, a feeble confederation ol thirteen remote and almost unknown colo nies, shut in between the mountains and the ocean, containing scarcely 3,000, OIK) of people, decreed their seperation front the mightiest pow er on the face of (lie globe, and asserted their right, both by deeds and words, to enter as an independent member, into the family of nations —by deeds of patriotism and valor, whose mem ory will never die, and by words of wisdom and power, whose truth can never be gainsayed, and which are embodied in that rehowned dec laration of principles and purposes you have just heard read, and which to-day, everywhere find listening cars and responsive hearts throughout the vast congregations of American citizens.— It is the table ol our polilical law, not written upon stone, but inscribed in characters of living light upon the memory and the understanding of a great people, who proclaimed it in their weak ness, and maintain it in their strength. And now those seventy-nine years have pass ed away—y. ars of strange vicissitude in human a flairs, both in the old world and the new : and this returning anniversary finds the feeble con federation a great Republican Empire, number ing nearly thirty millions of people, with noth ing to trouble them but themselves, and with nothing to fear but the just judgment of God.— An empire, stretching across tile continent, from the coasts that look upon Europe to the shores of the ocean of the West which separates ns from tile time-worn kingdoms of China and Japan, and extending almost from the northern tropic to the Artie circle : and with all the elements of power and prosperity in full operation, such as no nati<ii\ ever possessed before, and whose mag nificent results, while they startle the imagina tion, are far beyond the reach of human sagaci ty to estimate. And through these immense regions free institutions rule both rulers and people, and exert their benign influence, like the shadow of a great rock in a weary land.— The Government is founded upon the will of all, administered bv the power of all, protecting the rights of all, while all have equal access to its honors and ils rewards. Never, in the long Iris tor v of man, since the dispersion of the human family upon the plains of Sliinar, never was such a system of self-government before comrnit led to any people. Aud it we would only rea lize its value, and the inestimable privileges it secures :if we would compare our lot with that if any other country, not in a spirit of ostenta tious rivalry, but of truth and thankfulness, we should fie far better and wiser than we are. We have leaxeil fnl, and prosperity has made is presumptuous. And like the Jews of old, iur predecessors in national ingratitude, we are forever murmuring when we should be blessing, ind complaining when vve should be enjoying. Let us survey the other nations of the earth and [earn contentment and humility. **•* * * * * For two thirds of a century, this government if freedom and law has secured to its people, individually and collectively, a greater measure if prosperity and happiness than was ever be fore meted out by the political institutions to the Jescendants of Adam. It has protected me and mine from external aggression and internal vio ence ; and by its noble equality, joined to the jndeserved favor of niv fellow-citizens it has ipened to me positions of public honor and con- Sdence, to which the circumstances of my youth ;ave me no right to look forward, and which nv brightest dav-dreams, that sometimes came o soften the harsh realities of frontier struggle, lever'even presented to mv imagination : and ivhat it has done (or me, it has offered to all.— Well then may I be proud to acknowledge the lold it possesses upon my gratitude and affection, ind with the intensity of the feeling of attach ment with which I treasure it in my heart. My personal interest in it,indeed, is fast passing lway. Of that lam sufficiently warned by the ong period during which I have secured its protection. But 1 pray not the less earnestly for its preservation, for when, in the providence of (Jod, my connection with it shall he dissolved, with the dissolution of all earthly ties, I can leave to those who are dearest to me no legacy more precious than their share in its enjoyment. The Latest Snake Story. The Concord (N. H.) Patriot gives the foi loving, and as . if conscious that few couid he found to credit it, gives the assurance that it is true : "Abut two weeks since, a little girl, near six years of'age, named Collista Hill, ol Gilmauton Centre, was searching for berries in the field, when her attention was arrested bv a peculiar singing noise, and on looking up she perceived two large black snakes, one of which was in an erect attitude, and gazing fixedly upon her, ac companying its vibratory motions by, as she says, 4 a most beautiful singing.' She first attempted to run, but found Imiself utterly incapable of doing so. She then looked at the snake until she became so pleased with it that she took it into her lap, and held it until she thought it asleep, and then lied to the house. For a num ber of days she visited the snake, unknown to her |ia rents, w ho finally discovered her feeding it from her hands. She continued feeding it regularly every day, becoming more and more attached to it, until it would wind itself around her arms and neck, and even take food from her mouth. Finally she was prevailed upon to place it in a box, on condition that it should not be hurt, and in that it is still kept, except when being fed. Hundreds in the vicinity have been to see it. and it is the opinion ol the medi cal men who have seen her, that she is com pletely fascinated, and that the death of the rep tile would prove fatal to her. Her parents have had many tempting olleis to peimit her to l>e taken about and exhibited with the snake, but, thqugh they are poor, they have sense enough tfr-refuse all such oilers. The snake is over four feet long." The .New Hampshire Mirror adds the follow ing : "The little girl was asked if she was not frightened when she saw the snake. She said she was terribly frightened: and when asked why she did not run, she said she tried but could not: she also tried to scream for her mother, but could no! speak a word. The idea is that she was paralyzed by the magnetic power of the snakes. The first time she remained with them a long time—could not tell how long. After wards daily she staid with them several hours, lending them regularly. She said Ihey liked sweet things best, and that she stole three cakes of maple sugar that her mother had laid away, and sweet gingerbread whenever she could, to give them. The big snake would try to drive the small one away from her when fed, and she culled him several times, and he returned the compliment by taking her fingers into his mouth several times, without doing much harm. Con sequently she don't love this snake as much as she floes the other one, though she is generally fond of him." *1 House set on Fire—Six Persons Burned to Death. BUFFALO, July 16.—A most, horrible calami ty occurred in the town of Brant, this eountv, yesterday morning between the hours of one and two o'clock. James Thompson, a farmer in good circum stances, was awakened by an alarm of fire, and discovered his house to be in Harries, having been fired by an incendiary in three places. Mr. Thompson, who is an aged gentleman, rushed up stairs immediately on discovering what was tire matter, to alarm his daughters, when becoming overi>o\vered by the smoke, lie was unable to return, and himself, his three daughters—Julia, Mary, and Mrs. Carr, with the little children of the latter, perished in the dames. The ages of the unfortunate young ladies ranged from IS to 24- years. The rest of the inmates in the house, twelve in number, escaped, u ith much difficulty. There is not the slightest doubt whatever of the fire being the work of an incendiary. The most intense excitement prevails in re gard to the ali'air. The Ilcccnt Case of Lynching in Wisconsin. BUFFALO, July 16.—We have a full account of the hanging of the man Mayberiv by a mob at Janesville, Wisconsin, last week. Jt appears that th prisoner had been found guilty bv Judge DooJittle, but the law only prescribes imprisonment for life. The sheriff undertook to remove the prisoner from the court house to the jail, but he with his posse had scarcely got out of the court house when the cry arose "hang fiim !" "hang him !" The officers were then completely overpow ered by the crowd, the prisoner seized, a rope placed around his neck, and notwitstanding Ins awful shrieks and prayers, they dragged hiin to a cluster of trees and hung him till dead. A band of three hundred men had been or ganized to execute the deed. The greatest ex citement pervaded Rock rrver for over one hun dred miles. Destructive Fire at Manchester, JV. 11. Loss of $350,000. MANCIIPSTER, \. H., July 16. —The Man chester Corporation Mill, .\'o. was nearly des troyed by fire yesterday, together with its con tents. The loss is estimated at $350,000. Five hundred persons are thrown out of employment. The insurance amounts to SIOO,OOO. The same day twenty-two stores and dwell ings were destroyed by fire, including Tatney's hlock. Ihe loss is $ 100,000 with a partial insur lnce. A DELICATE WAY OF ADVERTISING FOR A HUSBAND.— We extract from an English paper the following racy advertisement, which, con sidering it is from a young lady, comes to the : point: "WANTED—By a young lady, aged nineteen,. TERRS, S3 PER YEAR. VOL XXIII, NO. 50. of pleasing countenance, good figure, and agree able manners, general information ami varied accomplishments, who ha* studied everything, from the creation to crotchet, a situation in the family of a gentleman. She will take the head of the table, manage his household, scold his servants, nurse his babies, (when they arrive,} check his tradesmen's hills, accompany him to (lie theatre, cut the leaves ofhis new book, sew on his buttons, warm his slippers, and general ly make his life happy. Apply in the first place, by letter, to Louisa Caroline, Linden Grove, and afterwards to papa, upon the prem ises. Wedding ring, \o. •f,„sma!l." From thp Janesville (Wis.) Standard, July 11. MRDCRER 1Y IMBED 19 HlS(o\S|\. The trial of David F. May bet rv, tor the mur der of Andrew Alger, of Jpfferson county, in this State has ended. The evidence of the case was closed on yesterday afternoon, and after the arguments of counsel and charge of the court, the jury retired to their room about six o'clock, when, after an absence of some fifteen minutes, returned to the court with a verdict of guilty. After the verdict of the jury was known, pub lic indignation burst out, and evident signs of an interest on the part of the people without the Court House, to take the administration of justice in their own hands, became apparent.— Between eight hundred and a thousand people were assembled on the hill side. When the of ficers appeared will) the prisoner, a rush was made for him—a noose was thrown by some one over his neck, but bv the dexterous move ment of his right hand it was cast off, and caught by one of the officers—when prisoner, officers, and crowd rushed upon a full run to the jail. The door of the jail was immediately closed and the officers stationed themselves at its front. Speeches were made against "mob law," but with little apparent effect. From 7 o'clock until 11 last night, demonstrations were made of an intent to break the jail and bring out the prisoner, but no .serious attempt was made. This morning, at eight o'clock, the prisoner was brought from the jail to the Court House, a distance of about ten rods, for the purpose of receiving his sentence. A larger concourse of of people was assembled inside and out of the Court House than were present last even ing, and the most intense ■excitement prevail ed. After the sentence was pronounced, a special police of about thirty of our citizens was sum moned to assist the officers in re-conduciing the prisoner to jail. In the meantime the crowd without was collecting and becoming more furi : ous in their clamors for the prisoner. Judge Doolittle came to the portico and made 1 a very impressive address to the populace, re monstrating against the spirit which seemed to actuate them, and in favor of thp supremacy of the laws. He was listened to respectfully, and at this juncture a more quiet spirit seemed to prevail. This was about 11 o'clock, A. M.— About 1 o'clock the crowd thinned out, and the officers deemed it a fitting time to proceed with the prisoner to the jail. We were startled by the cry of "Hang him, hang him!" when, on stepping to the window, we saw the officers and prisoner coming toward the jail surrounded by the infuriated mob. A rush was made for the jail, the door of which was barricaded at one? by the crowd, arid the approach of the officers cut off. The officers— though resisting the populace with all the ener gy they possessed, and protecting the prisoner to the utmost of their power—were borne down and overpowered. The prisoner was then almost alone; but he defended himself with superhuman strength.— He fought with the utmost desperation and pos sessing a most athletic physical frame, for some ten yards the crowd fell like chaff before him. A blow, however, with a bludgeon, from behind, felled him to the ground, and he was powerless. A rope was then passed round his neck, seized by the crowd, and a rush made down Court street. The prisoner, though dragging in the dust, caught the rope with his hands, and thus prevented strangulation at once. Arrived in front of our office, a desperate effort was again made by the officers and citizens to rescue him. The rope was cut three times by Mr. Orrin (iurnsev, who exhibited the most determined bravery in his behalf, but as often was thrust aside, and the rope re-adjusted. At this time a scrip almost indescribable was exhibited ; a crowd of between three and tour thousand persons was swayed to and fro. In the centre was the doomed prisoner lying on the ground—above him stood friends, begging and struggling for his life—while a far greater num ber were intent upon his death. This state of things lasted about ten minutes, and as we looked from our window the hope predominated that tlie friends of law and order might yet prevail. Hut it was a vain hope. The fearful crv of "Hang him!" rose louder than before, and a rush with the prisoner was made to the cluster of trees on the public square, the rope readjusted upon his neck, the other end thrown over the limb of a tree, and for the first time in our life the horrible spectacle of a hu man being hanging by the neck until he was dead, met our view. The circumstances which attended the murder of A Iger were of the most aggravated kind.— It was a cold blooded and atrocious deed. It was unattended by a single mitigatory circum stance. As IMPORTANT LAND QI-E&TION DECIDED. It lias been decided at the General Land office tliat, under the sth section of the bounty land act of March 3d, 1855, land warrants issued under that act can be located on any of the public lands, which are subject to entry at private sale at either of the minimum or lower graduated prices at the time such warrant or warrants maybe presented for location. Lands directed to be sold for the benefit of Indians are not so located.

Other pages from this issue: