Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, June 17, 1836, Page 1

BY II. B.STACY. SPEECH OF MR. ADAMS. In the Home of Representatives, Mny 23, on llie resolution uuthoriting llie payment of ration to the inhabitants of Alabama nnd Georgia, who have liecn driven from llieir homes by llie In- (li.UK. This speech is of too great a length to admit of our publishing it entire. Mr Ad.uin began by al igning his reasons for voting in favor of this reso lution. The reason why lie should vole for llie res olution he said w.u iho same with thai why he toted against llie resolution in the morning, that the House had no uulhorily lo interfere in any way with 'the institution of slavery in llie stales. He pro ceeded to slate his reasons which he was then pro hibited from doing, for voting against thai resolu tion. He proceeded to show, 1I1.U in llie conliugen 'cies of cither of the wars which now threaten us, 'Congress would have authority in various ways lo interfac with llie institution of Slavery, J I return then, to my first position, that 'there are two classes of powers vested by 'the Constitution of the United States in liieir Congress and Executiv; Government: th' power to bo exercised in time of peace, end the powers incidental to war. That tin: powers of peace arc limited by provis ions within the body of the consilium) itsell';but that the powers of war are limit .cd and regulated only by the laws and us.r ces of nations. Ttiere are. indeed, pow ers of peace conferred upon Congress which also come within the scope anil jurisdiction of the laws ot nations, such as the negn ciation of treu'ies of amity and commerce, the interchange of public ministers and consult, and all the personal and sncinl intercourse between the individual inliab itants of the United S'atcs and foreign na lions, and tin Indian tribes, whtcli require the interposition ofany law. Hut Ihepow era of war are all regulated by the laws of nations, and are subject to no other limitation. It is bv this power that I am justified in voting the money of m) coustit uants for the immediate relief of their fel low citizens suffering with extreme neces sity even for subsistence, by llie direct con sequence of an Indian war. Upon the same principle your consuls in foreign ports ore authorized to provide lor the subsist1 ence of seamen in distress, and even fur their passage to their own country. And it was up, in that same principte that J voted against the resolution repurtod by the slavery committee, "that Congress pos Bess no constitutional authority to interfere in any way, wuh tin; institution or slavery in any of the states ot tins Oonlederacy, to which resolution m ist of those with whom I usually concur, and even my own colleagues in this House gave their assent. I do not admit that there is, even among the peace powers of Conres, such uuilior ity ; but in xoir there aro many ways by which Congress not only have the authori ty, but are bound to interfere with the in million of slavery in the States. It was no considered bv the founders of Iho Con tlitution of the United blales, in which it was stiputed that Congress should not interfere, inthalway. with the institution, orior to tho vcar 1003. During tho late war with Great Britain, tho military and naval commanders of that nation issued proclamations inviting the slaves lo npair to llieir standards, with (.romistM.nf freedom and ot settlement in somen) the British colonial establishments, This, wuruly was an iuturlVtencu wit ti the institution of slavery in tho Slates. By the treaty of peace, Groat Britain slipula ted to evacuate all the torls and places the United Stales, without carrying awny onv6laves. If the Governme.il of the U Stales had no authority to interfere, in any way, with the institution of slavery in the States, they would not have had the an thority to require this stipulation. It is well known that this engngemenl was not fulfilled by the British naval and military commanders; that on tho contrary, they did carry away all the slaves whom they had induced to join them, and that the British Government inflexibly refused to restore any of them to their masters ; liial a claim of indemnity was consequently in stituted in behalf of the owners of the slaves and was successfully maintained. All that series of transactions was an inter ferenco by Congress with the institution of slavery in the States in one way in the way of protection and support. It was by the institution of slavery alon that tho re stitution Of slaves enticed by proclamations into the British service could be claimed as vroverlv. But for the institution of slavery the British commanders could nei ther have allured them to their standard, nor restored them otherwise limn as hber aled prisoners of war. But for the insti tutioti of slavery there could havo been no btipulation thai they should not bo carried away as properly, nor any claim'of indem fiitv for the violation of that engagement. But the war power of Congress over the institution of slavery m the Stales is yet tar moro extensive." Suppose the case of a servile war, complicated, as to some extent it is even now with an Indian war; supposo Congress were called to raise armies, to supply money from the whole Union to sup. press a servile insurrection: would they hnvn nn ttl .ihoritv to Interfere with the in stitution of slavery? Tho issuoof a servile wnr mm be disastrous. Bv war, the slave may emancipate himself; it may become npnocRnrv for the master lo recognize his cmancinalion bv a treaty of peace i can it for an instant be pretended that Congress in nrh n continrrencv. would have no au thority to interfere with the institution of lavery. in any way, in the States ? Why, it would be equivalent to saying that Con greis have no constitutional authority to make peace. I supposo a moro portentious case, cer. tainly within the bounds of possibility I would to God I could say not within the bounds of probability. You have been, if you are not now. at tho vary point of a war with Moxico a war. I am sorry to uiay so far as public rumor may be credited stimulated by provocations on our part NOT from the very commencement of this ad ministration down to the recent authority given to Gen. Gaines to invade the Mex ican territory. It is said that ono of tho earliest acts of this administration was proposal, made at a time when there wns much ill humor in Mexico against the U. Stales, that she should cede to the United States a very large portion of her territory, large onougli to constitute nine States equal in extent to Kentucky. It must be confes sed that a device bolter calculated to pro duce jealousy, suspicion, ill-will, and ha trcd, could nut have been contrived. It is further affirmed that this overture, offensive in itself, was made precisely at the lim" wlicn a swarm ol colonists Irom these U Statos were covering tho Mexican border with land-jobbing, and with slaves, intro duced in defiance of the Mexican laws, by which slavery had been abolished through out that ropublio. The war now rnging in Texas is a Mexican civil war, and a war lor the re-cslnblishment ot slavery whero it was abolished. It is not a servile war, but a war between slavery and cmancipa tion, and every possible effort lias been made to drive us into llie war, on the side of slavery. It is, indeed, a circumstance eminently fortunate for us that this monster, Santa Ann, has been defeated and taken, though I cannot participate in lliat exquisite iny with which we have b'en told that cverv one having Anglo-Saxon blood in his vein must have been delighted on hearing that this rufl'un has been stint, in cold blood when a prisoner of war, by llie Anilo Sax on leader of the victorious Texinn army. Sir, I hope there is no memoer of this House, of other than Anglo Saxon origin, who will deem it uiicourtcous that I, being myself in part Anglo-Saxon, must of course, hold that for the best blood that ever circu lated in h n nnn veins. Oh! yes, sir! far be it from me to depreciate tho glories of the Anglo Saxon rnco t although there have been times when they bowed their necks and submitted to the law of conquest, beneath the ascendency of the Norman race. But sir, it has struck me as no in considerable cyidence of the spirit which is spurring u- into this war ofaggression, of conquest a 'id of slave making, that all the fires of ancient, heriditary national hatred nro to be kindle J. to familiarize us with the ferocious spirit of rej (icing at the mas sacre ol prisoners in cold blood, bir, is there not yet hatred enough between the races which compose your Southern popu latiun and the population of Mexico, their next neighbor, but you must go back eight hundred or a thousand years, and to anoth it hemisphere, lor the fountains of bitter- net's between you and them ? What is the temper of feeling between the component parts of your own Southern population be tween your Anglo-Saxon, Norman French, and Moorish Spanish inhabitants of Louis una, .Mississippi, Arkansas, and Missouri? between them all and (he Indian savage, the original possessor of the land from which yon are scourging him already back to the foot of the llocky Mountains? What be'wcen them all and the native American negro, of African origin, whom they are holding in cruel bondage? Are these elements of harmony, concord, and patriotism between the component parts of a nation starling upon a crusade of con quest? And what are the feelings of all this motley compound uf your Southern population towards the compound equally helorogcncnus of tho Mexican population? Do noi you an Anglo Saxon, slnvcholding exterminator of Indians, from the bottom ol your soul, hate the Mexican Spaniard Indian, emancipator of slaves and abohsher of slavery? And do you think that your hatred is not with equal cordiality returned? Go to the city of Mexico, ask any of your fellow. citizens who have been there for the la-t three or four years, whether they scarcely dare show llieir faces, as Anglo Americans, in the streets. Be a-surcd, sir, ihat, however heartily you detest tho Mex ican, his bosom burns with an equally deep. sealed detestation of you. And tins is the nation with which, at the instigation (if your executive Govern ment, you are now rushing into war into a war of conquest; commenced by aggres sion on your part, and for the re establish mont of slavery, where it has been abolish ed, throughout the American Republic r or your war will bu wuh Mexico with a Republic ol twenty-lour Slates, una a population of eight or nine millions of souls It seems to be considered that this victory over twolve hundred men with the capture of their commander, the President of the Mexican Republic, has already achieved the conquest of the whole Republic. That it may Inve achieved the independence of l exns is not impossible, uul lexasis to the Mexicin Republic not more nor so much as die Slate of Michigan is to yours The State of Michigan, the People of which are in vain claiming of you tho per fornmnce of that sacred promise you mado them, of admitting her as a State into the Union; that State ol Michigan, which has greater grievances and heavier wrongs lo allege against you for a declaration of her independence, il sho were disposed to uc claro it then tho People of Texas have for breaking on their union with the lie Dublic of Mexico, Texas is an extreme boundary portion of iho Republic of Mexi co: a wilderness inhabited only by Indian till after the Revolution which separated Mexico from Spam ; nut sufficiently popu lous at tho organization of tho Mexican Confederacy to form a State by itsull, am: therefore united with Coahuila, where ihr greatest part of tho indigeuuus part of llie population reside. Sir, tho history of all Ihe emancipated Spanish American colo nics has been ever fainco their separation from Spain, a history of convuisionary wars of revolutions, accomplished by single, and nfmn verv insignificant Dailies ; oi cuius mum. whose titlo lo power has been the iminlnr of llieir immcdiato predecessors. Tliev havo all partaken nf tho character of the hrst coniiuebl oi .ucaiuu uy wuivu. T HE GLORY OF CSAR) BUT THE WELFARE FRIDAY, JUNE 17, 1836. and of Peru by Pizarro ; and this, sir,1 makes me shudder at the thought of con nocting our destinies indlesolubly with thoirs. Il may be that a new revolution in Moxico will follow upon this captivity or death of their President and commanding general ; we havo rumors, indeed, that such a revolution had happened even before hie defeat; but I cannot yet see my way clear to tho conclusion thai cither the indepen dence of Texas, or Iho capture nnd mili tary execution of Santa Ana. will save you from war with Mexico. Santa Ana, was but ono of a breed of which Spanish America for Iho last twenty-five years has been a teeming mother soldiers of fortune who, by the swotd or the musket ball have risen to supremo power, and by the sword or ihe miiskel ball have fallen from it. That breed is not extinct; the very last in telligence from Peru tolls of one who has fallen there as Ytutbido, and Mina, and uuerrero. and Mania Ana have fallen in Mexico. The same soil which produced them is yet fertile to produce others. They re produce themselves, with nothing but change of the name and of the man. Your war, sir, is lo bu a war of races Ihe Anglo Saxon American pilled against the Moorish bpamah-Mexican American; a war between the northern and southern halves of North America ; from Passamaquodddy to Puna inn. Are you prepared for such a war ? And again I ask, what will be your came in such a war ? Aggression, conquest, and tho re-establishment of slavery, whero it has been abolished. In that war, sir, ihe banners freedom will be the banners of Mexico; and your banners, I blush lo speak the word, will be the banners of slavery. Sir, in considering theso United States, and the United Mexican States as more masses of power coming to collision against each other, I cannot doubt that Mexico will be the greatest sufferer by the shock. The conquest of all Mexico would seem lo be no improbable result of ihe conflict, es pocially if the war should extend no farther than to the two mighty combatants. Bui will it be so confined? Mexico is clearly the weakest ot the Powers ; but she is not the least prepared for action. She has the more recent experience of war. Sho has the greatest number of veteran warriors and although her highest chief has just suffered a fatal and ignominious defeat, ycl that has happened olten before lo leaders of armies too confident of success and con temptuous of their enemy. Even now. Mexico is better prepared for a war of in vasion upon you than you arc tor a war ol invasion upon her. There may bo found a successor to Santa Ana, in Aimed with the li'siru not only of avenging his disaster but what he and his nation will consider your perfidious hostility. The national spirit may go with linn. He may not only turn the tables upon the Tcxian conquerors, bu drivo them for refuge within your borders. and pursue them into the heart of your own territories. Are you in a condition lo resist him ? Is the success of your whole army, all your veteran generals, and all your militia calls and your mutinous volun leers against a miserable band of five or six hundred invisible Seminole Indians in your late campaign an earnest ol tlie energy and vigor wit h which you arc ready to carry on that far otherwise formidable and compiles. ted war .'complicated did I sav ? And how complicated ? Your S.minole war is already spreading to the Creeks', and. in their march of desolation, they sweep along with them your negro slaves, and put arms into thoir hands to maka comm m cause with ihem against you ; nnd how far will it spread, sir, should a Mexican invader, with the torch of liberty in Ins hand, and llie standard of freedom floating over his head, proclaiming emancipation lo Ihe slave and revenge lo the native Indian, as he goes, invade your soil ? Whal will be your Stales of Louisiana, of Mississippi, i Alabama, ot Arkansas, ol Missouri, and of lii'orgia ? Where will bo your negroes? Whore will be that combined and concon tiated mass of Indian tribes, whom by an inconceivable policy, you have expelled from their widely distant habitations, to embody them within a small compass on the very borders of Mexico, as if on purpose to give that country a nation of natural allies in their hostilities against you ? Sir you have a Mexican, an Indian, and a No gro war upon your hands, and you are plunging;into it blindfold ; you aro talking about acknowledging the independence of tho republic ol Texas, and you aro thirsting to annex Texas, ay, Uoahulia, and latum lipas, and Santa Fa, from the source lo the mouth of the Rio Bravo, to your already over-distended dominions. Five hundred thousand square miles of the territory of Mexico would not even now qu?nch your burning thirst lor aggrandizement. But will your foreign war for this be with Mexico alone ? No, sir. As the weaker party, Mexico, when tho contest shall have once begun, will look abroad wnll as among your negroes and your In dians. for assistance. Neither Great Brit ain nor France will suffer you lo make such a conquest from Mexico ; no, nor even to annex Ihe independent state of Texas to your contederation, without thoir interpo, bii ion. xou will have Anglo-Saxon inter twined with a Mexican War to wago. Great Britain may have no serious obiec lion to tho independence of Texas, and may be willing enough to take her under her protection, as a barrier both against Mex ico and against you. But as aggrandize mcnl to you, she will not readily suffer il and above all she will not suffer you to ac quire it ny conquest and Iho reestablish ment of slavery. Urged on by Ihe irresisl iblo, overwhelming torrent ofnublic oninion Great Britain has recently, at a cost of ono hundred millions of dollars, which her pco. plo nave joyfully paid, abolished slavory throughout all her colonies in tho West Indies. After setting such an cxamolo shew ill not it is impossible Ihat she should stand by and witness a war for tho rc establishment of slavery where it had bcon for years abolishod. nnd nitnnleil ihus. in tho immcdiato neighborhood of her islands. She will tell you that, if you must havo memoer oi your conledcracy, it must bo without tho taint or tho trammels oralavory; and if you will wage a war to .iu lubuu uiiu ieiicr your fellow.man, she will wnuo tho cnains. Sir. what n mankind would you make, in deadly conflict wun or. Uritam: sho (ighiingthe battles of u u l. and yu the bnl,ea l slavery; sho tho benefactress and you tho oppressor ... Mumm Kinu i m such a war. theenthu. siasm or emancipation, loo, would unite vast numbers 0r her people in aid of the national rivalry, and all her natural jalousy "I!"1"" jour aggrandizement. No war was ever so popular in England as that war woold in asainsl filnvnrv. llin alnvn trade, and '-tno Anglo-Saxon descendant from her own loins. As to iho annexation of Texas to your Confederation, (or what do you want it ? Are you not largo and unwieldlv enough already ? Do not two millions of square miles cover surface enough for the insatiate rapacity of your land jobbers ? I hope there are none of them within tho sound of my voice. Havo you not Indians enough to exnel from the land of llieir fathers' sepul hres, and to exterminate ? What, in t prudential and military point of view, would be tho addition of Texas to your domain ? It would be weakness, and not power. Is your southern and soutwcslern frontier not sufficiently extensive ? not sufficiently fee blc ? not sufficiently defenceless? Why are you adding regiment after regiment of dragoons to your standing army ? Why are you struggling, by direction and by in direction, to raise persaltum that army from less than six to more than twenty thousand men.' xour commanding ucnerat. now returning from his excursion to Florida, openly recommends tho increase of your Army to that number. Sir, the extension of your sea-coast frontier from ihe Sabine to the Rio Bravo would add to your weak ness tenlold ; for it is now only weakness with reference to Mexico. It would then be weakness with reference lo Great Brit ain, to France, even perhaps to Russia, to every naval European Power, which might make a quarrel with us for the sake of set thng a colony ; but, above all, to Great Britain, alio, by her naval power, and by her American colonics, holds the keys of Iho gulf of Mexico. What would be the condition of your frontier from tho mouth of the Mississippi lo Ihat of the Rio del Norte in the event of a war with great Britain ? Sir, the reasons of Mr. Monroe for acccept- m g the oabine as llie boundary were three, First, he had no confidence in the strength of our claim as far as the Rio Bravo ; sec ondly, ho thought it would make our union so heavy that it would break into fragments of its own weight; thirdly. In; thought it would prolrud') a long line ot sea coast which, in our first war with Great Britiiin she might lake into her own possesions and which we should be able neither to de fend nor to recover. At that lime there was no question of slavery or of abolition involved in the controversy. Tho country belonged to Spain ; it was a wilderness.and slavery was tho established law of iho land There was then no project for carving oui nine slave States, to hold eighteen seats in he other wiognt the capilol, in the triangle between the mouths and the sources of the Mississippi and Bravo rivers. But what was our claim ? Why it was that La Salle having discovered the mouth of the Missis sippi, and Franco having made a settlement l New Orleans, Franca had a right I" one-half tho sea coast from the mouihofihe Mississippi to the next Spanish settlement which was Vera Cruz. Tho mouth of the Rio Bravo was about half way from the BaliZ" to Vera Cruz; and so as grantees from Franco of L misiana, we claimed lo the Rio d"l None, though the Spanish set t lenient of Sante Fe was at the head of that river. Franco, from whom wo had received Louisiana, utterly disclaimed ever having even raised such a pretension. Still we mado the best of the claim th it we could and finally yielded it for the Floridas, and for Iho line nf llie 42d degree ot latitudo from the sourco of the Arkansas river lo the South sea. Such was our claim; and you may judge how much confidence Mr Monroe could havo in its validity The great object and desire of tho rountry then was to obtain tho Floridas. It was Gener al Jackson's desire; and in that conference with mo to which I have heretofore alluded and which it is said he does not recollect hu said to me that so long as ihn Florida rivers were not in our possession, there could bo no safely for our whole Southern country. But, sir, suppose you should annex Texas to these United blales; another year would not pass before you would have to engago in a war for the conquest oftho Island ot Cuba what is now the condition ol that island Still under the nominal protection nf Spain What is the condition of Spain herself Con suming nor own vitals in a civil war for the succession lo llie crown. Do you ex pect, that whatever may bo tho issue of that war, she can retain even the nominal possession of Cuba ? After having lost all ner continental colonies in North and South America, Cuba will stand in need of nine efficient protection: and above all, Iho protection of a naval power. Suppose Ihat naval power should be Great Britain. There is Cuba at your very door; and if you spread yourself along'a naked coast, from the aabino to tho llio liravo, whal will bo your relative position towards Great Britain, with not only Jamaica, but Cuba, and Porto Rico in her hands, and abolitiou for Iho motto to her union cross of Sr George and Saint Andrew? Mr. Chair man, do you think I am treading on fantas tic grounds? Let mo tell you a picco of history, not far remote Sir, many years have not passed away since an internal re. volution in Spain subjected that country and her king for a short timo lo Ihe mo mcntary government oftho Corlcs. That OF ROME. revolution was followed by another, by1 which, under the auspices of a French army with llie Duke d'Angotilomo ot their head Ferdinand the Seventh was icstorcd to a despotic throne; Cuba had followed the fortunes of tho Curies when they were crowned with victory, and when tho coun ter revolution came, Iho inhabitants of the island, uncertniu what was to bo their des tination, wero for some time in great per ploxity what to do for themselves. Two considerable parties arose in the island, one of which was for placing it under the pro tection ot ureat Urilaiii, and another was for annexing it to tho confederation of these United States. By one of lliese parlies 1 have reason lo believe ihat overtures were made lo the Government of Great Britain. By the other 1 know that overtures were niado lotho Government of tho United Slates. And I further know that secret, though irresponsible assurances were com municated to the then President of tho U. States, as coming from tho French Gov ernment, that tney were secretly informed that the British Government had determin ed to take possession of Cuba. Whether similar overtures woro mado to France herself. I do not undertake to say ; but that Mr. Ueorgo Canning, then the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was under no inconsiderable alarm, lest under the pupilago of the Duke d'Angoulcme, Ferdinand the Seventh might commit to the commandcrof a French naval squadron thccusludyorthe Moro Uasllc, is a circum stance also well known to me. It happened thai just about that time i French squadron of considerable force was luted nut and received sailing orders for tho West Indies, without tnrnial commuui cation. of ihe fact to the British Government; and that as soon as it was made known to hun, he gave orders lo the British Ambas sador at Paris to demand, in the most pe remptory lone, whal was the destination of that squadron, and a special and positive disclaimer that it was intended even to visit the Havana ; and this was made the occasion of mutual explanations, by which drnat Britain, r ranee, and the United States, not by the formal solemnity nf treaty, but by the implied engagement ol mutual assurances ol intention, gave pledgee of honor to each other, that neither of them should in the then condition of the islam take it, or the Moro Castle, as its citadel from the possession nf Spain. This en gagemnt was on all sides faithfully per formed; but, without it. who doubts thai from that day to this either of the Ihren Powers might have taken the island and held it in undisputed po-scs-ion. Al Ihts lime circumstances have changed popular revolutions both in France and Ureal Uritam have perhaps curbed the spirit uf conquest in Great Britain, and Franco may have enough In do to govern her kingdom of Algiers. But Spain is again conviil-'d with a civil war for the succes eion to her crown ; she has irretrievably lost all her colonies on both continents America. It is impossible that sho should hold much longer a shadow nf dominion over the islands of Cuba and Porlo Rico nor can those islands, in their present con dition, form independent nations, capable of protecting themselves. Tliev must for ages remain at the mercy uf Great Britain or of these United blates, or ol both ; Ureal Britain is even now about to intcrl'ero this war for Ihe Spanish succession. If by the utter imbecility ol iho Mexican confed eracy this revult of Texas should lead im mediately to its separation lioui that Ro public, and its annexation to tho United Slates, I believe it impossible that Great Britain should look on while this operation is performing with indifference. She will see III it it must stiaxc her own wnol colonial power on this continent, in the Gull of Mexico, and in the Caubian Seas, lik an earthquake; she will see, too, ihat endanger? her own abolition ot slavery h'r own colonies. A war for tho restoration of slavery wImto it has been abolished, successful in Texas, must extend over all Mexico; and the example will thn-a:en her with imminent danger ofa war ot colors her own islands, one will take possession of Cuba and of Porto Rico, by cession from Spain or by batteries from her wuodei walls; and if you ask hor by what authority she has done H, sho will ask you, in return by what authority vou have extended your sea coast Irom theaabine lollie llio Uravo, Sho will ask you a question moro perplex ing, namely by what authoriry you, with freedom, independence, and democracy upon your lips, aru waging a war oi exiermiiia. tion lo forgo new manacles and fetters instead of those which are falling from the hands and lect ol man. alio will carry emancipation and abolition with her in every fold of her flag ; while your stars, as they increase in numbers, will be 'overcast with the murky vapors of oppression, and the only portion of your banners visible to the eye will be the blood-stained stripes of the task master. Mr Chairman, aro you ready for all llieso wars? a war with ureat Uritatn, if no: with Prnnrn ? n rfnnural Indian wnr ? servile war ? and as an inevitable conse queuce of them all, a civil war ? for it must ultimately terminate in a war of colors as well as of races. And do you imagine Ihat while with your eyes open you aro wilfully kindling, and then closing your eyes and blindly rushing into them; do you imagine thai while in the very nature of things, your own southern and southwestern slates must be the Flanders of theso complicated wars, the battlefield upon which Ihe last great conflict must bo foughl between slavery and emancipation ; do you imagine, thai your Congress will havo no constitutional aiilhoriiy lo interfere with 'he institution of slavery in any way in iho states of this confederacy? Sir, they must and will in terfere with it perhaps to sustain it by war; perhaps In abolish it by treaties of peace; and they will not only possess the constitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound in duly, to do il by the express provisions of the constitution itself. VOL. X--No. 469. From tho instant that your slave-holding states become tho theatre of war civil, servile, or foreign from that Instant tho war powers of Congress extend to inter ference with thu in-titiitiou of slavery, in every way by which it can bo interfered with from a claim of indemnity for slaves! taken or destroyed, to tho cession of thu statu burdened with Bluvery to a foreign power. Sir. il is by virtue of this samo war power as now brought into exorcise by this Indian war in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, that I vote for the resolution before the com mittee. By iriuc of this, I have already voted in the cours ! of this session to in crease yuiir standing army by a secjnu regiment of dragoons, to authorize your President to acoeJt tho services of ten loUtfaud volouluijrd, and to Approuriild miliums of tho public money to supprcs theso Indian hostilities all for tho common defence, all for tho general welfare. And it, on this occasion, 1 havo been compelled to avail myself of the opportunity to assign my reasons lor voting against tlio first resolution reported by ihu slavery commit tee, il is because il was the pleasure of thu majority of tho House this morning to re- luse mo toe permission to assign my reasons for my vote, when the question was put upon those resolutions themselves. Sir, il ii a melancholy conlcinnlalion lo me. nnd rai-cs fcnful rureliinlinss in mv mind hen I con- wilier Ihe manner in Aliich lli.il llcporl an, I those uegtjiiiii'His o,ie ifun 01'pni.eooi uy tne untitle. I haie Iwice n-ked iei mission of Iim Hume tj offer two i e.J.iloi i.un r.illinif fir inform iliun fruin the I'ri'.ii.Icot upon uoji-cls ol infinite imporlanRa lo this qnestioa of slavery, lo our relation with Mexico, and in the pence ul the counny. Wlie I l.isl in ide the .illvinnt, a ni.iimiiv of llie llnn-a to- led by yeas nn.l n lys lo iipcnd llie rulf-4 lu t-nrfhts me lo 'ilTer one of the two I evolutions but iIih ina bility not nmouiiiinj in twotliod, my resolution Ii.ii nol jc'l uUl, unco Irom the llou-e ihe fior ol liein coiiiirleied. Had il been ihe ple.i-urR uf ihs Hoii-p to indulge it).- call, or lo allow me the piiti lege fifusiguin my ic.wjih for my oieon ihe ies I ii l i ii ihis inoinin.', iIih leinnks thai 1 hate mw made imht have hcen deemed more uppi'iipriatn lo llio.-Q tuples uf ili-ciiKsion, ill in lo the queoion more inmiPiliaiety now lifforn the committee. I'hey mic reflVeiioiH, howpier, which I deem il not leas imlupf ih.iIiIc lo make ih ill ilicv aic painful In Ira iii ide extui ieil from me lv n comliiir.n of pnhlta HfTiii unexampled in ihe hNloty of lliis country. lleieioioic, rails upon Ihe L.Pcoufl lJcp.ii luient for infiiinatioii. mich im ihat which I II ie !ionoeif lo make, weie couidcieil ns uinon? the riiihl nf Ihe members uf ilns House, which ii wa scarcely deemed decern lo ici!. A neioiH question, moiherin all dUi'ii"ioii upon leoluiions lepoiicd by a rum'tiiin'c, uflVciiu.; ilio vital pi incipti-s uf ihsj CoiMiiiulioii, m oed by one uf tho members who rpporied ihe ipsolitlion, nnd fii-taiucil hy I lie mem heis oT ih it c-iiiiimi 1 1 re iuell', is an nccuiience which neiei hclbrp Ii ippi'iied in the nun its uf litis Gov ernment. The .nljpiion of those icunlulions of ilia Houe h id n o even hecu moved. Unon the mere question whether an extra nuinher uf llie report of Hie cominitiee pIkuiIi! ue pi inieo, ii memoer moves iho lecoinmiimeiu nf ihe report, wills instructions lu eporl a new irsotulion. On lllii tuition ihe pre vious quemio'i U moved, nnd ihe Speaker declares ill it die in mi ipicsiion is nol on die nut ion lo ia column, not o i ihe motion In print an extia nuin her of copies uf iho lepoit, but upon the adoption of linen le-tiilutious, repoiied, but never even in I ved in die llo'ie. If this is to be llie tamplo ol our futuie leji'l,iiion, il is lime lo awake fium ilia delusion thu fieedom uf speech is :iuioti ihe nghli c f l lie member of llie minority of this lluilie. 'I'o i el ii mi , Mr 01 1 1 i nn in, lo the resolution before the coinuiiiiep. 1 shall vulu fur litis application of inoii'ys, levied hy l.ix.ilion upon my coiwiiiucats, lo feed llie siilTei in' .uul si.ii viu.1 fu 'i'ives fioa) lo li.in detipei-.uion .in,l icvene. Huvv deepty se.iictnii in the cofTeis of your Tieasurv lliis uiieialiou will I in itely he, no in in can al this lime foietell. I lie expemliiuiu uuilioi'iieil by s Is id resolution may he not in itself very coiididera'li'e ; tint in il ro gress it lias nlie.iily shetrlicil hum Alabama to lieoigii b iw much further it may extend, will be seen licre.ifier. I tuin inyevcs away fioin llie prospect of il now : hut am pieparcd lo meet lint emergency, if il should cjmc, with all llie resjurcis uf the Tieasurv. Hut, sir, I ill ill not vole fir this relief to llws sofl'eriu,' inli.ibiiauls of Al.ili.lin i, uuj of Georgia, upon Ihe gruint.J ua which the gemlein.ui hum Al an nil i, (Mr Lewis) unit lue tfentlein m Irom south Caiolina (Mr riiomp-ont hive been dispo-ed lo place it. IJiiIk le.isou II ive llie inhabitants uf (Seu. and of At.ib.nn i to cnmpl tin ihat the Governui'iii of ihe United Slates has been rcuiis or nJjlecifil in pruicciiii; them Iroul Indian hoitililies : ihe fact is diiecily llie rcveise. Thu People of Alabama and Geoigia aie now mffeiin llio recoil of llieir on ii unlawful vveiponi. Georni.i, sir, Geurgia. by irainpliuj upon the faith of our n nion.il ueaties with ihe Indian ti ibes ami by subjecting lliein to her ril.ite laws, firm set iheeximple of I h it policy which is now in llie piocess of consummation ly llns Indian war. In selling lliis example, alio bade du ll nice lo die siuthority of ihe Gnvei nnienl uf ihe nation ; she millilied your laws: she set at naught your Executive and judicial guaiilians of ihe com mon Oiimiluiioo uf llie land. To what extent she carried ihi policy, the dungeons of her prisoni and llie rci urds nf ihe h'upieme Judicial Court of ihe United Simes can lell. To thoi.e piisons she corn milled inoftenaive, iiiuocent, piotH minisieis of ihs Go-pel uf I'iuiIi, for rairyiiij Ihe hi;lil, llie cum furls, ami iIip consolaiions of ilia: Go-pel lo tin lie. iiih and iniuiii i f ilie-e null ippy Indians. A solemn decision ufihu Stipieiiie' Court uf die If- S. pronounced dial act u violitmn of jimr liealies and uf your I iws. Georgia defied ih.n decidion : your Executive Govern iient never carried it int execution: the iuiprMuneil inis.iou tries of ihn Guspcl weie rompetlcd lo puritiasu llieir ransom from perpetual captivity hy saciifleing llieir i irfhttf us freemen lo the uicekncij uf llieir principles as Christians ; nod ynu hayu tanciiooed all lhea out rages upun justice, taw, nml huui.iniiy, Ity succumb ing to the power ami llie policy ufGeorgii, by uc r.oininodating yuiir legislation to her uiliiliary will ; by tearing lo latter our old Ireaiics wild the In dians, nnd by constraining them, under prior fort et dure lo llie mockery of signing other liealica Willi you, vvhii h at llie first moment when il rliall suit your purpose, you will again teat In latter ant scalier lo llie four winds of Heaven, lill Ihe In dian nice nil. i II be extinct upon this continent, nnd il shall hecume a piuhlem beyund llio sofution of uul iijii.ii ics and historical societies, what llio led man of the foiest was. This sir, is lha tenioto primitivo cause of the present Indian war i your own injustica sanctioning and sutiiuing that of Georgia and Alabama This system of policy was first introduced by llio present administration of your national government, Il is directly Iho reverse of that system which had been porsuod by all Iho prccuedmg Administrations of this government under the present consti tution. That system consisted in llie most anxious and persuvering olforls to c'viluolhej Indians; lo attach them lo iho soil upo i which thoy lived; to enlighten iheii mind,- lo soften and humanize thoir hearU; ia fix in peima riArii-t. 1I...1, l.l.il ,.l irtij . ....I - .... ... from the wandering and procanous pursuit of llie hunter, lo Hid tillage of iho gtoiinv!,-