Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, July 28, 1837, Page 1

Newspaper of Burlington Free Press dated July 28, 1837 Page 1
Text content (automatically generated)

NOT THE OLOllY OF CKSAIt; 11 IT T T II 12 WKI, F AKB OF It O HI U. BY Iff.B. STACY. COMMUNICATION, NO. V. Rev. Kisiiop Hopkins. Sins Your fourlli objection to llio Temperance Socio ty ymi claim untiling more for than llio correction of no error. The error consists not in its slating po troth, but in going be yond it, i. c. ultrnisui. Now as yf ob jection supposes the correctness of tho so ciety in port, nil thnt properly it nmounts to is, whether it is ultra or not. This is mat ter of opinion of course, ami not a (undo nicntnl error, As such, you have no prop. cr ground for arraigning the society but for its opinions. Your words are "That it gives n false protninrnee to olio particular vice, contrary to the doctrines of the Hi lilc." You thus incidentally own I hat it should have a certain prominence, but charge the jocioty with a false prominence, and this false prominence is eonlrary to tho doctrines of the Hiblc. Now sir, I chal lenge you to bring forward that express parage that opposes tins false prominence. Do you say that there is none expressly ngntnsl it, because this society was not contemplated in llio penning of the scrip lore. Then I answer, your objection is nothing but inferential or matter of opin ,on. Con-cqncntiy. on the ground of prin ciple, your object ion goes fur nothing. Uut Mr, )"us not i he Hiblo most positively warrant us in Miking the. ground the Tem perance Society occupies ? Who is to bo with others excluded from inheriting the kingdom of heaven? On whom the wo of the Almighty for making his neighbor drunken ? Who have no bablings, couten Hons, redness ofoyo-!? For what was the whole land of Ephraitn guilty ? Why, if 1 were in go over the whole ground of bi ble prominence upon I his subject, in which it is introduced as mailer of animadversion and condemnation, it would be nothing i-hort of quoting a largo portion 'of the liiblo. Yet. you say the Temperance. So. ciety gives a f.il-e prominence to this sin. If it does I have yet to Irani it. I5nl let us look a lilt'e at your proof. Von quote i. con. vi. 0 and nth' your comment. Hot hero I lie drunkard hn-i liis plaeo ho. I wi on t he covetous and reviler: not a whit more liable to exc'ii-ion ihan they." Then add, "1 do mil understand the Christianity of ihc course which exalts one special sin to the dignity of a distinct association, or sinks olheis out of sigh:." What sin are wc to understand by this? Do you moan to say, that because the drunkard, in one passage which you quote, is no more re sponsible thnn oilier sinners ? therefore no more so in an v. If this he what you mean you iniist be strongly ignorant of the Hihle. Do you mean to say again, that the Temperance Society exalts the sin of drunkenness into a distinct association? What tire we to undcr-tand by tins? for my wits 1 cannot tell. Do you again mean Jo say that ihe Temperance Society "sinks other Fins out of sight ?" If so, I demand proof, the where and when? and until you bring it forward hold yon explicitly to the charge of malicious slander of the Tem perance Society. It is truly painful to be compelled to address a gentleman in your (station in this way -but I appeal to a can did public, if the facts in the case do not warrant it nay more, demand it. Hut your argument goes for nothing when wu consider for a moment that what you charge upon tho society you transfer to individuals You mutt say that all be longing to tho Temperance Society have been guilty of what you afiirin, or a part who are its orators. If you stale that all arc, you mute that that very few will be lieve if but a part, and I lint probably but a small part, then the society cannot bo chargeable with what you allirm. Now on cither of ihcsc points it is not hard for a enndid mind to say who is the "reviler." I am again compelled to look after your theology. You affirm that "all the vices of iu:n are Bpnl:cn of in the word of God as branches of the root of n corrupt and evil henrt." Now I ask where does the word of find intimate that drunkenness is the branch or vice of a corrupt and evil heart? You have indeed quoted Mark vn. 21, in which the Saviour enumerates thir teen specific vices ns proceeding from the heart. Uut drunkennuss is not there. Nor does thu liiblu intimate that it can be the vice of tho heart, and if it did, matter of fact would give it the contradiction Now as drunkenness is a conventional or social vice or vice of habit, there is the most distinct and proper ground fur form ing associations against it. And associa lions formed thus are among i lie direct and proper menus for itH destruction. Hut would you have in to belicvo that the vice of drunkenness is not as prevalent as other vices, in this and other lands J and that it docs not originate oilier tons? If your tpsi dixit ty to be taken us proof, then we must believe you. Hut if wo nroto believe our senses in reference to our own country and the accounts of travellers, missiona ries and jurists, in reference to other lands, the evidence isagninstyoti. Siippnsojyour son through your opposition to the Tom pcrntir.c Society should tako encourage ment to drink, and finally become a drunk nnl. After which all those liner sensibili ties which now adorn him should bo de stroyed, and all the vicious passions the re sult of drunkenness to tako possession of him: in this state under the itiflucnco of nlcohol he should he your death, would you say that drunkenness did not originate the vice of murder? and that if it had not been for drunkenness you should have been murdered How then can you say that this sin originates no other? It is most emphatically true that intemperance is tho source of a vast portion of Ihc crimes Ihat arc committed. Hut it is folly to spend any more time upon an objection that cannot pretend to bo fundamental, and therefore I leave it. I will endeavor in my next look after your fifth objection, and sec if the fate of it is more happy than these that I hove examined. St. A . i!lU7. Vindex. ADDRKSS, To the Freemen of the Stale of Vermont. Fellow Citizens : The time approaches when you will be called on again to exercise the high priv ilege of selecting from among yourselves your public servants. We have assembled to consult together on this subject, to de tcrtnine upon the course whioh wc ought 'o take, and to express to you, as it is now our purpose to do, the reasons which shall guide us in this important crisis. We came together under a call to the "supporters of the supremacy of the lawi, ami of a constitutional government honatly administered." Has the supremacy of law been maintained ? and has the government been hone-tly and constitutionally nd-inini-tered ? nre questions which it is an np propriato occasion to examine. Wc have examined t hem. The course of an eight years' administration of the general gov ernment has been brought undjr review in principles subjected to the lest of the Constitution, and their tendencies looked it. in the lights of experience. They have been weighed in the balance and found wanting, as we think in thu great and us mini i-.oariiru-iiauortoi yi'iioiiit; tcpn'icau ijiii. We Oelii've lliuir lendeiipy io ins la- tal In the purity and permanency of our free institutions, and the more so, bv rca son of the specious names and fair disgui ses under which they have been commen ded to the contidcneu of the people. Up to thu time when the present Dy nasty was invested with power, the gov ernment had been mainly administered in the simplicity anil purity ot open, straight forward republicanism. Our presidents Hail caretuiiy rclrameii irom pressing the hxecutivo prerogatives, anil had scru. pulotisly respected the rights of the otlr or branches of the government. The Ex ecuiive, Legislative and Judiciary do partmcnts, moved in their appropriate spheres, while the people yielded to each the confidence which was duo only lo honesty, capacity and fidelity to the con stitutiou. Thus should we have continued, but for the unscrupulous and mad ambition which lips been the bane of all the Republics which have gone before us. The dcclara tiou of the present second officer in thu government, four years before the present dynasty came into power, that tho then administration ' must he put down, though pure as the. Jingcls at the rishl hand of the throne oj Una," was lollowed by an an op portiton whose recklessness, disregard ot truth, and appeals In passion were in por ted keeping with that profligate dcclara lion. Tho opposition wis successful ; ami an administration, which its siibvcrtcrs arc now forced to admit was pure, was put down. The 4th of March 1829, came, and Gen Jackson wax President of the UniledStates. His first public act was to endorso, in his inaugural address, the loading slander of his predecessor, by saying "The recent "demonstration of public sentiment in scribes on tho list of Executive duties "in characters loo legible to bo overlooked "I lie insi; ot rejorm, which will require "particularly, tho correction of those abuse 'that have brnuhgt the patronage of the "government into conflict with the freedom of elections, and tho counteraction of "those causes which have disturbed the "rightful course of appointment, and have 'placed or continued power in wnfailltfttl "or incompetent hands." Wit It tins ground less charge of an nbuso of executive pow er, there had been associated a charge equally groundless, of a wasteful exlrnva gaiicointlio expenditure? of ihu'public money ; ami this was also especially to bo cuiiirnceii within the tiefohm " inscribed on tlie list of Executive duties." Ihc commencement of Gen. Jackson administration was (ho commencement of tiik r.n a or hollow pnorr.ssioNs ami nnoicr.N promises, hooked at in its be ginning, progress, and disastrous tormina lion, it forms ono of the most striking ex tunples of political deception which the world has ever witnessed, lis profession was reform. 1 1 had coimi into power up on thu btreuglli ot Ihe assumption now known nnd admitted by tho whole world to have been false that thu public money had been squandered, and the executive power abused, by the administration which precceded it. Gun. Jackson hoastingly pretended that thu public sentiment called for Reform, and that he was selected as thu great iclbrmer. "Hy their fruits ye thall Itiiuw them." Ho administered the FRIDAY, .TIjXY 28, 1837. government eight years, nnd behold the boasted reform ! The annual expenditures gradually advanced from twelve lo thirty millions, while the Exocuutivo patronage was brought to bear with resistless and overwhelming influence upon the freedom of elections and on the action of every department of the government. Thou sands of public officers were removed because they would not bocomu the parti znus of the Executive, nnd their places filled by men who were prepared to yield a blind and unscrupulous dcvotionto his will. Patronage thus found its way to tho ballot box j it seized the press it entered the halls of Congress controlled the national legislation, and what could not bo con trolled in advance, was crushed under the fool of nn arbitrary Executive veto. So notorious have become the obuscs of power these flagrant falsifications of the grand profession with winch the adtmnis tration began its career, that thev ore writ' ten as m -'letters of living light" upon the heavens above our heads, and the cartli encath our feet.. There is notacitv fir illage or hamlet throughout tho land, where the sturdiest supporters of the ad ministration do not stund confounded at the evidence ol pal sin no professions and ahused power, which every where urrounded them. Nor is this nil. The GREAT HE FORMER was not content with bringing his patronage into conflict with the free dom of ordinary elections, nnd thus sub jecting to his control, the action of the States and Ihc legislation ot congress His own political life was to terminate tit the end of eight veers: but ho was deter mined to liv.a in the person of his successor Into the contest of that election he there fore entered. Upon it he brought to bear his personal and official influence, llav ing, contrnry lo Ins most solemn professions made himself the President of a party, he now openly placed himself at the head of it, and boldly proclaimed his preference for one of the candidates for the succession l'hat candidate promised lo walk in his footsteps nnd carry out Ins principle and policy, and was, thereupon elected. Thus much for the relorm which was to "ivc us an economical auininisiraiinn, anu correct the abuse which it was falsely pro tended had crooght the patronage of t lie overnmeiit into conflict with the Irce dom of elections. Hut it was not enough that the ndminis tration. with its loud professions of horror at extravagance and abne of executive power, should have made ttiese professions the cover ot extravagances anu nouses un oreeedonted in the history of the govern inent. It must all be done in the name of mo i copic ail for tho sake ol niaiotainin.T the principles ol nomocracy. A" wasteful expenditure was augmented, nnd Executive usurpation grew bolder and more ruckle did the cry of ''Democracy" become louder and longer. Every stride in this career was accompanied by the exclamation be hold our hatred of aristocracy, and our zeal for the rights of the dear people ! From the moment that tho present dy nasty became ascendant in 1 029 to the present time onk onr.AT purpose has con trolled its movements and absorbed its en orgies. That purpose has been 1111 AUGMENTATION OF EXECUTIVI INFLUENCE AND POWER. To ac coinphsh it, a more than ordinary ambition would have been content with so using the power of removal nnd appointment as to convert tho agents superintending the vn machinery of government into the men ministers ot the Executive will, and agents to superintend the machinery of par'y. This would to an ambition of wore than or dinary gra.-p, have been deemed nn agent sufhcieuily powerful to control the press lo guard the ballot box to act upon hlate legislation, nun lo inlloence ine oeiiucra- t ions of Congress. Hot the ambition of our modern reformers- reached far beyond this and the great project was conceived of rem forcing those means, with the cnliro rove tines of the country, and of uniting to the POLITICAL, the MONEY POWER. And this introduces us to the "EXPLKI MFN " under which the country is now groaning the beginning, progress nnd tor. initiation ol which wu will now, us orieny as possible describe. Tho great experiment embraced a sue cession o pxnorimonts. which wo win L'lance at in I heir order. The first was the experiment of making tho Hank of the Uni ted States n political engine, snbscrviont to tho will of the IJxecnlivc. This experiment failed The Hanu had not mingled in the politics or the country, and it woulu not It had not opposed the elevation of Gen Jackson to power, nnd it would not, when ho hnd obtained it, bow to that power. The decree went forth that should be crushed ! The next experiment was, to create doubts of the solvency of die Hani; obtain ti vole of Congress that tho public ninnies were unsaic in its possession, anil thus sus lain the meditated measure of their rcmova from its custody. This experiment also aileil. lNeiincr could ihe eredil ol the hank bo shaken in the public estimation by the flagitious attempt of the administration to impair it, nor could Congress bo induced lo declure Ihc revenues to ho unsnlo in it custody. A direct effort to this ellect, re, suited in thu report of a committee of Ihe House of Representative1! a majority of whom were the president's political Iricndr thnt tho public monies were safe; am: thai report was sustained by an overwhelm ingvolooftho House. Thus ended the second experiment. The credit of the Hank remained unshaken both in Cungress and throughout the country, and tho public monies remained in their legal depository aiiu now came uiu main experiment, The law made the publiu monies removable from tho Hank of tho United Mates only by tho Secretary ol Treasury, l lio Presi dent undertook (ho experiment of rommow tng that nllii'cr, on pain of his displcubiiro lo do what (iic law hnd Iclt to luu own dis crctioti, under n responsibility to Congress r. nichciiii was at the head of tho De partment. Ho felt his legal responsibility ml declined a comnlianco with Ihe Presi dent's mandate. He was transferred lo onother oflice, ond Mr. Duano was selected to perform the service. To him the Presi lent s pleasure was signified. Ho husiln- ted. Ho was tho President's friend his early friend and would do any thing lo serve him, but surrender to liisftcfafton the scrction which ho was bound hy law to exorcise, upon a responsibility to another power. The demand was too much. lie declared that the revenues of tho govern ment wore sulo, and that ho could not re move them. The President was inexora The Secretary resigned ! The great experiment struggled for existence. The independence ol two Secretaries had proved nn over match for tho Experimenter. A third effort found nn instrument who could be used, out! the 'work was done. The public monies were removed from a safe national bank, provided for their custody nd disbursement by the legislation of eon grcss, and over which Ihcre was a supervis ion (iij law, to numerous state bangs, selec ted by the Executive, and subject to his su pervision and control. I bus was consummated the great. exper iment of OBTAINING THE CONTROL OF THE MONEY POWER. The rev lines of the government were rapidly in creasing. 1 ho vast surplus which wouiu necessarily accumulate (the public dent bo i n T iiaidl was too temntitig. If the law was Iclt to Us operation, that surplus wouiu return ti whore ongress had uctermincu ; but if the President could succeed in re moving it to state banks of his own selec lion, he might thereby reach the long arm of his power into tho states lay hold of their monied institutions, and secure their support nnd the support oi their borrowers, by the consciousness ot pecuniary depend encc upon Executive favor. I he President and his friends were ad mnnished of the ruin which this experiment would bring upon the country. They were told that tho public monies in tho hands of the state banks could nut be mado to per form the beneficial operation in regulating tho exchanges of the country, and maintain a sound currency, which they had been uown to do in tho depository which con gross bad provided. They were told that the destruction ol the national institution voitld have the efl'jct of multiplying stati banks, enlarging their capitals, and mcrcas ing the aggregate amount of bank circula. Hon j that ao appetite for wild nnd extrnv gant speculation would bo thoreby cxcilei uul fed; am! that the currency would be expanded, until the bubble should burst ;od universal bankruptcy follow. We could till pages with these warnings, but our limits will not permit. Wo give from among them, the summary prophecies of two distinguished members of congress, speeches delivered three vears ago. Adams said "Your President has usurped legislative power. He has laid hi; hands upon your treasure. Ho has seized it, and now wields it as a weapon of power lo htmsell, and instrument of plunder lo hi partisans. Yet. his experiment has but just commenced. Its object is not merely I to destroy, bin break the bank. His cho sen 9tate hanks nre to be his depositories, and engines to iikstoiu: a mutalic cuii ui'.Ncv. Willi what inluilive sagneity are the means adapted to tho end! Sir, his stale banks will land the nation thoy arc ulready hurling it to univkiisal bankrupt, cy. His hand must be stayed, or llio na tion is undone." Mn Hinnky said "Sir, the project of the Secretary of the Treasury astonishes me. it has astonished the country. It is here that we find a pregnunt source of the present agony. It i the clearly avowed design lo bring, n second time, upon this land, tho uursu of an unregulated, uncun trolled stale bank paper currency. Wo arc again to see the drama which already, in the course of the present century. w pas sed before us, and closed in ruin. If the project shall he successful, we are again to sou the paper missiles shooting in every di rectum inrougli ihe country a derange inent of all values, depreciated circulation, a suspension if specie payments, I hen a fur Ihcr exlen-ioii ol llio same detectable paper, a still greater depreciation, with failures of traders and failures of hanks in its tram, to arrive at la-t at Ihc same point from which wo uuparieu in iui7. 1 heso prophetic warnings wore disre garded. The President had got possession of llio puhlc monies, and put down the JJanlt ol tho United States, nnd it seemed to be imagined that ho who had done all this, without being crushed under the weight public indignation, might subvert tho established laws of finance, and siMnin a forced and unnatural system of iiionied operations by tho mero magic of political power. Hut hnw incorrigible and unyiel ding arc the laws which regulate and con trol, in spite of uxccuiivo fiats, the financial operations of n country, The moment that Gen. Jackson had removed the publiu num. jus, and put down the bank, ho put in oper ntion causes which even his power could not control. Tho fatal deed had been done; and its legitimate effects mint follow. These ellecls soon began to be visible. New htnlo banks were chartered by scores, ami tho capitals of Ihe old banks enlarged hy millions, throughout ihe country ; and especially in states where the Jackson parlij had u decided predominance. The public monies became the basis of discounts nnd circulation by the selected banks, to nn un preeedentutl amount; and bporululinns in the nuhhc lands, with the mil ol'tlieso very discounts, swelled the nominal amount of receipts from that source, to an exleul un known in the hmtorv of our nutional domain Thesu elleeis may be illustrated by a few facts to which wu beg leave lo call llio special nttenlion of the people. Tho number of banks in the United States, in July 11132, when the 'experiment was begun hy the vutool the hill recliuiler 'ing thu hank of the U, S. was 413. Their capitals amounted to CI 73,000,000 Their circulation to 70,000,000 I'linir loans and discounts to 2G'J.000,000 On Ihe 1st of December 1030. the mini her of hanks hod increased to (177, besides I 10 brnnches. Plicir capitals had incr. to i3' t ,000,000 Their circulation to 100,000,000 Their Innns and discounts to Allll 000,000 To show bow very extraorilinury was the increase of hunks, bank capital, circulation and discounts during I he four and a half years of experiment from July 1032, lo December 103G, let it be compared with the increase from 1020 to 1030--a period entirely free from experiments upon the currency. From 1020 to 1030, llio increase in me number of hanks was but 12. Increase of bank capital go, 000,000 " of circulation. I0.000.00U " of loans and discts, 30.000,000 Heboid the contrast! Ten years in crease of the number of banks without experiment" 12. Four nnd a half years, under the oxperi. mcnt -201, besides MO branches. I en years increase of bank capital without "cxpariniont," 4ll,000,000 i" our and a half years increase with the "experiment," ir 1, 000,000 I en vears increase of bank circulation, without "experiment," ilO, 000,000 ! our and a half years increase with the "experiment," 02.000.000 Ten years increase of loans and discounts without "experiment," $30,000,000 Four and a half years increase, with the experiment, g32G,000,000 v uai an experiment ! Let us now look nt a tingle item of the speculations produced by it. The following statement will show the advance in the sales of the public lands contemporaneously with it3 commencement nnd progress. Their sales from 1820 to 103G, inclusive, were as follows : 1829 972,050 1830 2.329,350 1831 2,479,053 1832 3.115,370 1033 4,972.204 1834 0.099,901 103a 14.757.G90 1830 23,904,102 Now mark the commencement and pro grcss of speculation. The bank of the U. S. was vetoed In July 1032. In that year thu sales of public lands amounted to about rimEK millions. They rose the next year to about thkek millions. They rosu the next year to about five mil lions; tho next to six Ihc next to pour teen and tiiiief. Qi; auteiis, and t he next to TWENTY. FOUR MILLIONS!! Thus far wc have contemplated the ex periment as one simpiy to outain the control op the money power. This is its true character. We aro now to look at n branch of it, which wears a somewhat different aspect designed to coyer its real purpose, and amuse the peoplo with another object. When the bank was vetoed, tho public depositee removed, and the state banks made tho nhjcts of Executive favor, the idea of an exclusive metallic currency was suggested bv no one. It seemed to form no part of the experiment. The monster had been put down--tho public monies were in the state banks, at tho control of tho President, and nothing could be heard but songs of glory to the chief whose prowess had been thus signalized, and thus successful. Hut soon there came a pres sure and a panic. Public indignation was roused. The evil was charged up the experiment, and the administration was driven to extremities to quiet the public lecltng. And now behold the meeting of extreme?. State banks, and slate bank paper had been llio Executive lavoiites. Hut now there suddenly arose the idea of an cxclu- sivemelalic currenci; and Gen. Jackson was the man to givo it to the country. Gold was to tako the place ol'U. S. bank bills, mid "long silk purses" filled with 'vollow hoys" were to be cverv where found in the pockets of the people. It was thus Ihat the imaginations of one portion of Ihe people wore lo be dan .led and captivated, while the operation of increasing Ihe number ol Mate banks, augmenting their issues, nnd feeding the spirit of speculation was to fill the pockets ot another. And now came the schemes to force in to the country au iucrensed quantity of the precious metals especially ot gold. To this end the standard of our gold coinage was altered, and the payment of the French and Neapolitan indemnities se. cured in that metal. And this policy was aided by importation of specie for t he pur pose of putting in operation the new state banks which the policy of the administra tion had brought into existence. Hy llicse means tho quantity of specie in the country was greatly increased, while that increase was boasted of as an evi dence of n rapid advance towards the con summation of an exclusive specie curren cy. Fatal mluluaiiou! thai lost sight ol Ihc relations between us and that country from which a largo portion of our sudden occiiluniation of specie was unualurullv forced. Tho overtrading stimulated by the state bank experiment increased our importations from Great Britain. The debt thus incurred was In be paid, cither in produce or specie. Our importations of specie hnd reached the Hank of England, diminished its amount in hci vaults, and compelled her lo curtail her accommoda tions to the purchasers and manufacturers ol cotton, our chief mcmis of remil'onco. Its price-suddenly loll, about ono half, and our means of payment weru proportionally diminishctr. lint tho debt was still due, and must be paid, either in cotton or sit. -i i: . llenco the sudden demand for specie. A pressure upon the hanks necessarily fol lowed -I heir discounts were, of conr-o curtailed -money bccaniu scuicu the call for specie increased panic followed - and n suspension of payments clojud the scene. VOL. XI No. 527 Thoro was n subordinate branch of the experiment which contributed maleiially to produce this result. There had been a forced operation to got specie into the country. There was now n forced opera tion to keep it here, which, like most quack nostrums, aggravated ihc disease it pro fossed to cure. Against Ihe clearly ex. pressed will of the Senate, tho President issued the celebrated "specie circular," by which it was ordered that payments for thu public lauds should he made in specie. It was thus drawn in large quantities from the Atlantic cities, where it might be wan ted to sustain n pressure, to the west, where, to a great extent, it would be as useless for that purpose, as so much lead or iron. I he pressure came; and it came upon nn amount of specie in the Atluntic cities, diminished by so much as it had been t litis drawn off, and accumulated in llio we'.. The amount thus unwisely ab stracted from the placo where it should have been, might, it left there, have so far satisfied the foreign demand for spe cie, as to have saved the panic the run upon the banks and their final suspension of payment. If it had gono lo England, it would have answered the purpose ol pny ing a part of our debt ; .while, by relieving the pressure there, it would have raised ihe price ol cotton so ns to have aided materi ally in the payment of the remainder. Tho folly nl the administration locked it up in the western deposilu batiks, and thus precipitated the calamity with which tho great experiment lor incueasino execu tive power had long inreaicneu mc country. And now wc ask who can soberly re view the history of the experiment, with out feeling, hcyobd the power of resistance, conviction that it has produced the calam. ity which now overwhelms the country ? How vain Ihe attempt to resist this con viction by attributing Ihe. result to over banking, nnd over-trnding merely. Tbo fire has burned the city : but who kindled it nnd fanned the U.imc ? The proulgal wasted his estate, and came to want : but where was the wisdom of the father who gnve him t lie estate and told him to use il ? The Hanks especially the government favorites have over issued, and men have over traded and ovorspeculatcd. Hut where was the government, which ifl invested, expressly, with the power lo regulate the currency of the country, that it did nut restrain, rather than stimulate, these tendencies? Its chief magistrate was making a grand experiment to AUGMENT THE EXECUTIVE POWER! TIlO lights of forty years experience clearly showed thnt tho course from which the administration Miughl to force t he country, was i lie course of safety and prosperity. Tieo lights were unheeded. The warn, ings of sober, considerate statesmen were sounded in its ears. Thoy were despised. Tno voice of thu inimedialc representa tives of the people ill Congress was raised. It wax disregarded. The GREAT PUR POSE was not lo ho abandoned. That purpose was INFLUENCE and POWER. It was not enough that the immen-i' power of removal and appointment had been converted from a public trust, into executive property, nnd that, thereby in the progress of'ihe miscalled reform, the Press had been siih.'idiaed the freedom and purity of elections restrained and corrupted the legislation of the states controlled, and the deliberations of Congress subjected to the influence, and its decisions put down bv the vkto. of ilio great Reformer. Nr. The MONEY POWER must bo secured, to fill the measure of an all grasping ambition. Fatal experiment to the coun try ! Hut more fatal, we would fain hope, to the Dynasty by which it was concei. veil and executed. Fatal m this sense, surely it will he, if the people nre not so drugged with patty opiates, as to have lost their sensibility to truth, and their love of honest, and manly independence. And now what shall be done in this great emergency .' To remain where we are, is out. of llio question. A remedy must be devised, or the country sinks into irretrievable ruin. To this question thorn is, to our apprehension, a very plain nnd satisfactory answer. We must do jiisi what a wise man would do who had been )eil bv nn ignis fatuu-, nut of a plain, bea ten wnv. into bogs, and mire, and quick sands. " Wo nio-t GO HACK. Chris tian and I lopeful's duly was not plainer. They escaped thu clutches of Giant Des pair, got over the style, and went on re joicing. We must get out of tho hands of the Dynasty which has deceived us, and return to thu good old way from which wo hnve departed. And who can tbidk of the pure, and up right nnd unpretending aduiiuislralioiiH which preceded that ot the "Jlcformer," without sighing In rcttirc ? Who can re member Hie sound und convenient curren cy which we once had, and the steady on ward advance of national prosperity which accompanied it, without n feeling of pain, nn looking nt tho height from which wo have fallen, nnd surveying tho mniry which, every when.1, mee'ls our eye? Fellow cilir.oiis, wo want A REAL RE FORM, A reform which shall really correct thu abuses that have brought thu patronagn uf thu government into conflict with tho freedom of nleclions," mid which shall optiralo as real "counteraction of thoso causes which hare disturbed the rightful eour.-uol' appointment, and placed and continued power in unfaith ful or iiicotnpulunt hands." Wu waul a Prov ident who will coinu forth with tho very docla. ration of Gun. .lacksnns first inaugural, abovo quoted, and faiiliful'y cany it into practice in his administration. Wo want a man who shall lalkless of democracy, and practire mac ol'ils guiiuinii principles a nun. who, instead uf deceiving the c.utintry with hollow profes sion, iiml abusing it with broken promises, shall speak the thing ho moans, and' do tho Hung ho spealis. i o u .'iut : man lo administer thu government who will pul buusolf in the tlwcs of no man and least of nil, of n man who, m lliu pndn of it bloated popnlaniy has trampled down I lie, Constitu tion, anil fdlally c.-ciiniti)led upon the

Other pages from this issue: