Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, July 13, 1838, Page 1

it mwelttxtL NOT THE GLORY O F C jE S A It BUT THE WELFARE OF ROME BY H. B. ST-ACY. FRIDAY, JUL-Y 13, 838. VOL. XII Xo. 577 SPEECH OF MR. BOND, OF OHIO, Upon Jtir. Hopkins' Resolution to divorce the Government from the Press. Mr Bond said lie rejoiced that llio attention of tlic House and of the country whs again invited to the subject of retrenchment und reform. Ho was aware that these terms lind become somewhat hack licycd, and lio utmost feared that the fiequent repe tition here had rendered them trite nnd unmeaning. They hud been used, as well as known, with great effect, to put down ono Administration and elevate nnolhcr. That end bcinst attained, they seemed to have pei formed their office, so far nt least as the party now in power are concerned. All must admit that wc have had no practical retrenchment or re form. Mr D. said he wished gentlemen now in power to admit that they had amused, if not deceived, the People of this country with a, more Mancy sketch. ' If they would not inako this concession, then he called unon them to specify any retrenchment or re- foiin vihich they had accomplished. Hut, sir, if they f,ul in this, as I think iliey must, then I de mand iKu'ir reasons for not curving ot their great iindf:iitaiy piMt...i ..I'.vfrni, tor winch tliey u.U solemnly pledged before llui country. 1 nm'unwilling to believe that the terms retrench ment and reform have lost their iust nnd virttiouH Eense. Tlio people of this country will determine whether the necessity of such measures had passed away with the simple elevation-of certain men to power. You, Mr Spcnkcr, must be well awaro that some tiling more than this was promised, r on protested, sir, 1 mean the party with which you act professed, to be moved bv the purest and moat sacred rcenrd for the welfare of the People. Wo find recorded here, and in the Senate, n solemn pledge to carry into effect a systematic reform, if jou should be placed in power. This was done, sir, in March, 1S29. ;unl vou'havchcld undisturbed posjcssion ever since. During that lime, now going on ten years, what part of yuur pledge lias been redeemed! t desiic to conduct this discission fairly, and with entire accuracy as to facts. I wish to slate litem, too, that all may form a just opinion in relation to tic sincerity and good faith of those' whose conduct niav be brought under leviow. Was it really tine, sir, that the expenditures of il n. nrn.nont ,.oro iinnnrownri Iv Isnrn? II.nl llle President too much nower. anil was there a neces sity for restraining it? Was the patronage of the Government so enormous as to require checks tobe placed o:i II! was mis paironagc uscu lor politi cal ends, csncciallv the natronaco of the l.ress 1 Was it true that the freedom of the press and the security of our liberty demanded that the printing patronage should be withdrawn from the several departments, ana me otaie uepnnmeni in parucu hrl All these inciuirics arc suggested by the dcclara tions nnd avowals of the present dominant party when iliey sought for elevation. Out lest gentlemen may have furgolien the precise charges made against Mr Adams' Administration, 1 beg leave to read from certain documents of this House nnd of the Senate, in which these griefs and complaints; with the promised reforms, are duly recorded. The first, in point of lime, is a report made to the Senate in 1826, by a select committee, (of which Mr Benton was chairman,) 'to which was referred n proposition to inquire into the expediency of ie during the patronage of the Execulive Government r.i- u..Si..U States.' In this document Mr Ben ton reports: 'That, after mature deliberation, the committee are of opinion that it is expedient to diminish or to rculate by law the Executive patroi'agc of the Federal Government, whenever llio same can be done consistently with the provisions of the Con Mitulion, nnd without impairing llio proper effi ciency of the Government. Acting under this con viction, ihov have icce'm-d as carefully us time and other eivagemcats would permit them to do, the degree and i.inount ol patronage now exercised by tlin President and have arris cd nt the conclusion that the same may and ought to bo diminished by I n,, For this purpose that committee then reported six bills; one ol tiiein proposed to rcgut.itp tue pumica linn of the laws and of public advertisements; an other had this imposing title ' a bill to secure in office the faithful collectors and dishurscrs of the revenue, nnd 10 displace defaulters.' But, besides its alluring title, that bill also contained the follow ins nr'ovision Thai in all nominations made by the President to the Sonate to fill vacancies occasioned by the ex ercise of the President's power to icmovc from office, the fact of the removal shall be stated to the senate at me same unio we uuiuiiiauuii is mane, wild a statement oflhe reasons lur wlucli such olli r mav have'been removed.' The other four bills also looked to the restraint or reduction of tlie President's power and patron ago. It is unnecessary now to read them. The renort proceeds The committee do not dctibt but that there are many other branches of Executive patronage, in addition to these which are comprehended in the nroviiions of llice bills, which might be ndvanln g'iously regulated by law. Far from thinking that they have exhausted the subject, they believe that tliey have only opened it. and that nothing more can be done at this lime llun to lay the foundation of a system, to be followed up and completed here after.' Mr Bond said that, notwithstanding a series of years had elapsed, and Mr Benton and his fiiends had full nower. the People had looked in vain for a superstructure on this 'foundation of a system of iclorm, winch iluslainous report proposed lo nave laid. That satnn committee, too, assert and claim for the Senate ' the ronirol over appointments to office,' nnd say they ' believe that they will be act in,) in dm spirit of lliu Constitution in laboring lo multiply the guards and strengthen the barriers against the possible abuse of power.' This is ne cessary, they say, where l.iws'are executed by civil ii uu limit'iiy jim.i:i, y .minus aim navies, uy courts of justice, and by the collection and disburse ment of revenue, with all its train of salaries, jobs nnd contrncis ; an-j wuere, in litis aspect ol the reality, we behold llio working ol patronage, and discoyer the reason why so many stand ready, in nny country and in all ages, to flock lo the standard ol power, wheresoever and uy whomsoever it may be raised.' The number of office holders is spoken ui as targe unu sun rapuiiy increasing, una the re potl proceed! 'Each person employed will have s circle of greater or less diameter, of which he is the ccnite and soul a circle composed of friends ami relation!, and ol individuals employed by him sell oa public or on private account.' Uy way of iniuirnung llio great numoer 01 omce noiucrs and llieir combined power, Mr Benton then turns to the Blue Book of the Republic,' which he culls a growing little volume,' and says it corresponds wmi me reu dook 01 monarciitcs,' Mr Sneaker. ttiU Rlun Hnnk i in.lnorl n nrm. ing little volume,' but it hai grown more rapidly in tilO nine years of this frnuornmsnl. Immicin.n,! ..... rler the advice of Mr Benton and his friends, than it inu iii iiviiuic mat time, heloce Ihcycamo into now sr. 1 present HOW. air. far vour inminriinii. llm Blue Book of 1828,and that lor llio last year, 1837. It is plain that the last Is nearly or quite double Ihe size of the former ; und if the contents of tho two are compared, the number of office holders, their salaries and compensation, tlio various dlvls. m ions and siib.diyislona of every Department, it will to hilii that, under this boasted system of retrench. incnl nnd reform, nothing lias been curtailed, Inn, on tho conunry n gieat incrcaso in tho number of officer holders, with increased salaries. To this, loo, is to be n elded n most alarming addition in all 1110 public expciiauiirea oi uiu vuuwry, greatly ex ceeding in amount llio expenusof that Admin teua lion, which was charged as wasteful ! And if this state of things is not checked in lime, we may yet realize that this Ulue Hook not onlv ' corresponds with,' but has actually l.ecome the 'Red Book of a Monarchy, in this our boasted republic I Mr ncnini) in his rnpori, exhibits a li.t, taken from llio BlaoBookof 1325, of all the officers, with their salaries, nt the Custom bouse in tho city of New York. The number thus given is one hundred nnd seventy four, nnd the aggregate amount of their compensation is slated $119,620 3D, lie then ex claims A formidable list, indeed ! formidable in num bers, nnd still morn so from the vast amount of mo ney in their hands. The action of such a body of j men, supposing litem to bo animated by one spirit, must be tremendous in an election ; and that they will be so animated is u proposition too plain lo need demonstration. Power over n man's support lias always been hold and admitted to be power oyer I.!, ..,'.11 Tlx. Prnsirlrnt lm nmvnr' over ihe. support of nil these officers, and they again havo power over the support of debtor merchants lo tho amount of ten millions of dollars pei annum, und over the daily support of an immense number of inclividimid, pioiessiuiiai, llieeuailic.il, mm uivia boring, lo whom they can and will extend or deny n valuable private as well as public paironage, ac cording to tho part iliey shall net in Slate as well as in Federal elections.' And lo all this, the report still adds the Naval and Military Establishment, tho Judiciary, the Post Office, and presses, with what it calls the 'unknown nnd unknowable list of jobbers nnd contractors ; and the still more inscrutable list of expectants who are wailing lor 'dead men's shoes, and-williiig in ihe mean while lo do anything that the living men with.' Ilavin!! thus elowinalv described the statu of patronage, and the subservient league and un principled devotion ol the otlicc holders, air ucnton then says The nower of patronage unles3 checked by the vigorous interiiosilion of Congress, must go on in creasing, until Federal influence in many parts of this Confederal ion will predominate inflections as completely ns British influence predominate in the elections of Scotland and Ireland.in rotten borough towns.und in tho great naval stations of Portsmouth mid Plvinouih.' Wo are also told by Mr Benton that tho whole .r .i.: ...:n ,.,..... :.. ii... rrD:,ii and the report then warns the country in these im nrcssivc terms 'Tho King of England is tho 'fountain of honor;' the President of the United btatcs is the Eourco of patronage. Ho presides over tho entire system of Federal appoint mcnU, jobs, and contracts ; he has 'power' over tho 'suoport' of the individuals who administer the system. He makes and tin makes them. He chooses from tho circle of his friends and supporters, and may dis miss them, and, upon all tho principles of human action, will dismiss them, as often as they disappoint his expectations. Hi spirit will animate their actions in all the elections to State und 1' cderal olhccs. There mav be exceptions, but tho truth of a general rulo is proved by the exception This intended check nnd control of the (Senate, without new constitutional or Mat ptory provisions, will cense to operate. ratrmisiKU will nr not rule tuia Ut.i.y, suijUuc its capacity of resistance, chain it to the car of power, and enable the President to rule as easily and much more securely with than without tho nominal check ot the Senate!1 'Wo must look forward- to the tunc when the nomination of the President can carry any man through the Senate, and his recommendation can carry any measure through the two Houses of Congress; when the principle of public action will bo open "and nvowed the President wants my vote, and I want his patronage ; I will vote ns he wishes, nnd ho will give me the office I wish for. What will this be but the Government of one man? and what is the Government of one man but a monarchy ?' Mr Bond said he hoped the house would pardon him for reading from this report tlieso passages, which so happily illustrate ihe growth and power of patronage. They wcro relerred to tor tho purpose ot sustain-, inn- the allegation which ho had made, that the present dominant parly professed to entertain serious tears tor the perpetuity or security of our institutions and liberty, if this public patronage was not checked or restrained by some statutory remedies, which they submitted for consideration and promised to adopt, at Eome convenient season, if placed in power. Well, sir, they succeeded, and got the administration of our government into their own hands and what has the country realized ? Why, thjp number of custom houso officers at New York has grown from 174 to 414! and thnir compensation is increased from gl 19, 9G2 39 lo 109, GG9 32 !MRut besides their stated compensation, itpcars that in the' year 103G the various subordinate officers of the New York custom houso were allowed among them upwards of $53,000 ! And the Collector at Philadelphia, during the samo year, received beyond his salary upwards of $3000 tho samo officer in Bos ton upwards of $2,300 and many others very considerable sums, which I will not tako time to specify. Wo thus realize the inordinate and dan gerous incrcaso in this branch of patronage, foretold by tho report. What has been dono to limit and restrain this patronage ? Whero is the statutory remedy, tho bill which was reported for that purpose Sir, it has had quiot repose, and has never been heard of .einco tho success of 'tho party.' The moment power wub obtained, tho admission made in tho report, that the Senato had control over appointments, is denied in practice and tho right asserted by tho committee, to. call on tho President Tor Ins reasons in case ol a-removal troin offico, is now scoffed at and contemned by Mr Denton, Mr Van Buren, nnd the whole party who nmtle or approved that report ! Mr Van Huron was ono of tho committee by whom that report was made and yet ho and his party openly violuto anil uisro gard ovory principle urged ! Ho now holds uio 'power' ovor the 'support ol titesc tram uauiis ui oiuuo uoiuers at ixow xotk and throughout the country. 'Ho makes aiiu uiimaKcn incur and 'his spirit win animate- thoir actions in nil nW.tinna.' Almost tlio first notico wo have of tho appointment of Jeeso Uovt to tlm Oollcc tor's office in Now York, is tlm nnnmmii. tion of his official prcsonco nnd activity in tlio charter oloclidn of that citv. Wo hear of hint by day and by night, heading his cohort of 414 office holders, with the 1000 expectants, and leading Ihcm to the charge ! Mr Van Duron told us in the report that 'tho action ot such a body nt men, supposing (hem to be animated by one spirit, must bo tremendous in an elec tion ;' and that they would bo so animated, ho said, was 'a proposition too plain to need demonstration.' Dul I suppose he wishes us to bclievo that in his hands all this power and patronage will bo harmless ! Tho case of tho New York Collector fur..' nishes my answer to this; and if another; illustration is needed, 1 refer you, Mr; Speaker, to the appointment of Mr Woll to tho Collector's office in Philadelphia. That gentleman, you know, sir, after hold ing tho honorablo place ol uorcrnor ol Pennsylvania, proudly called the Keystone Slate, was soduded hero for a paltry clerk ship. Wo heard recently that he was dissatisfied in the contrast between the place given him and that provided for his political rival, (Mr Muhlcnburg.) Gov Wolf, it was said, had resolved to with draw, and gave some indication of hostility to tho President- At this juncture the power of patronage is invoked tho Col. lector at Philadelphia is made to take the clerkship at Washington, nnd Governor Wolf's opposition is quieted in the Col lector's office, thus vacated. In an instant a new allegiance is sworn, and Governor Wolf initiates himself in Ins new ofhec, by heading a call for a political meeting in the city of his official duties! Who docs not see the peculiar fitness of tho suggestion before quoted from the report of Mr Van Durcn and others of the select committee " The President wiinls mi vole, and I want his patronage ; I will vole as he wishes, and he toill ffitc me the office I wish for." Mr Speaker, I will now add n remark or two, and pass from this report. The committee who made it consisted of Mr Benton, Mr Macom, Mr Vnn Buren, Mr White, Mr 'Findlay, Mr Dickcrson. Mr Holmes, Mrlllaync, and Mr Richard M. Johnson, all nt the time the zealous friends of General Jackson, except, perhaps, Mr Holmes. They urged the impropriety of appointing members of Congress to ornce, nnd the expediency of providing against it From the moment they camo into power their report and prolcssions arc forsottcn, and in four years they appoint more mem bers of Congress to office than had been dono in nil the previous history of the Government. They also told the country in that report, that the press, the pot office, the armed forco, nnd tho appointing power, were tho most dangerous portion of the Federal Lxectttive patronage. And they prolesscd to have found a remedy for these dangers in certain bills which they submitted. They there tell us. too, that oil this power is in tho hands of the I'rcsi' dent, and he is not in the hands of the Peo pie. Indeed, they say, 'the President mav and, in the current of human afi'airs toill be against the People,' and the conclusion of the whole is, 'the salcty of the People is tho 'supreme law,' and to ensure that safety tlieso arbiters of human fate (the press, the post office, the armed force, nnd the appointing power) must change posi tion, and lake post on the side of the peo pie.' Mr Speaker, wc have found it true indeed, that the President is not in the hands of the People, and that ho will oven turn against them ! Look, sir, at Mr Van Duron's December message, and. sec the npprnbium which he casts upon the People ot ins own oiaic lor daring to exercise their elective franchise contrary to his will INolwithatandiiig his professions, and the pledged faith of his report, ho violently retains tho contsol of tlieso 'arbiters of human fate,' and will not suffer I hem 'to change position and take post on the side ol tho People !' Mr Bond said ho would next point the attention ot gentlemen to what had passed in this Mouse on tho uuicct ol retrench mcnt and reform; and ho regretted to find such marvellous discrepancy between the sayings and doings' of 'tho party,' on that subject. The journals ot tho House show that in February, 1828, a select committee was appointed to consider and report on this wholo matter: tho gentlemen appoint ed were Mr Hamilton, Mr Inghom, Mr Rives. Mr Wicklifie, Mr Cambreleng, M Sergeant and, Mr Everett, all friends of Uenernl Jackson, save the two last. They wero charged to inquire into the whole machinery of the Government, with a view to reduce its expanses and patronage, nnd to correct all abuses. I hoy engaged and 'devoted themselves to this task ,- their report, I mean tho report of tho four avowed reformers, professed to tho country that tho public expenditures at homo and abroad wcro unnecessarily great; that every thing was dono on too grand a scale that each department had too many clerks and spent too much money; that this wns also tho caso in Corigrcss, whoso soseions wero nocdlossly prolonged ; and, by way of correcting this latter evil, they rccom mended that 'tho compensation of membors during tho first session of each Congress, bo reduced to 2 per day, from and aftor tho first Monday in April, if Congress should sit beyond that day.' Mr Bond said ho would not read the report to tho llouou, but ho hoped this notico of it might aid' in recalling it to public recollection, whorcby it would be soon how much had been proposed and how littlo had been done. Here, too, it will bo found, that in concert with thoir co-labor era in tho Sonate. tho Houso reformers describe most graphically the oxtont and power oi patronage, aim lor nn tuoir dis covered abuses they suggest remedies But, Mr fcipenker, great as tins worn was represented to bo, tho gentleman from Now York (Mr Cambrolcngi and his friends told tho country in this report that tliey nuu inatio only a beginning, what until the Pcoplo should drive from tho cita del of power thoso who then held it, and place it under the control of tlieso zealous reformers. This was done. This specious report, like its twin-sister of tho Senate, wan trumpeted aloud by its friends, and at Dublic expense, under tho order of tho HmiFe, many thousand copies of it wero scattered throughout the country. Tho People read, and, honestly believing it, look the alarm, and placed the reformers in po tl now, Mr Speaker, ofter your undia d nossession for nine vcars. what has .bceVdono? Havo von reduced any cxpen- 'dihifc, corrected any abuse, or provided njy restraint on the power of patronage? N, sjr, no. But, on tho contrnry, your patty in power have made all public cxpen dilutes greater than before; you have practised the very abuses of power of which you complained, and have not provided any restraint on Executive patronage! We have thusa practical illustration of the abuso of the identical power of which your friends, when sounding tho alarm, gave only a theoretic description. Mr D. sTid the resolution now under consideration Etill looked lo reform, and especially to the correction of tho abuse of power in regard to tho public printing. The gentleman who offers it, (Mr Hopkins,) though acting with tho Administration generally, is not blind to the abuses which may bo committed. IIo is still de manding reform from principle, and is not satisfied that abuses hnvu been corrected by a simple chtngc of men- I am surpris ed, Mr Speaker, to find this resolution opposed by the Administration. The gen tleman from P.qw Hampshire (Mr Cush- man,) resists it on most extraordinary grounds. IIo admits abuses, but says it is impracticable to correct them, and thore fore useless lo pass the resolution. Is it possible that such nn objection can bo openly avowed and sustained here."' The gentleman says it is the usage ot party to dispose of tins patronage in its own way, and that he never heard of any complaint against Mr Adams' Administration for so doing. Hero, sir, is another open avowal of the doctrine, 'that the spoils belong to the victors. Mr Cushman here explained, and ob served ho had not said the spoils belonged to the victors. Mr Bond admitted that tho gentleman had not used those identical words, but this "was the doctrine of the party with which ho acted, and a distinguished member of that party, now the Governor of New loik, (Mr Marcy,) had, when a mcmocr of the benate of the United States, openly used those terms and justified this tisago of party. Tho friends of the Administration uniformly practised under this precept whatever may be their theory. I do not wish to do tho gentleman from Now Hampshire any injustice, and will read from his remarks as published, and he will then have nn opportunity of correcting them it erroneously printed. The gentle man is reported as having said ; It wa well known, that since tho estab lishmcnt of tho Government, the dominant partv, whichever it might be, had invaria bly employed what has been called, if you please, partizan printers and partisan editors. But why should they not do so? So long as the opposition had the prcdomi nancy, they used to supply their own partizan printers, and no complaint was made about it ; and why should any com plaint arise now ? He saw no reason for it.' Here, then, 1 think, sir. a position is taken and terms used in effect the same, and tending directly to tho doctrine that the 'spoils bolona; to the victors' But can it be possible that the gentleman thinks he is correct when ho 6ays that no complaint was made, and sustained by the facts against Mr Adams' Administration, on account of tho exercise of the printing patronRge? Has he forgotten that Isaac Hill, tho present Governor of htsown Slate, was the editor and publisher of a newspa per called 'the New Hampshire Patriot,' and that the discontinuance ot tho publica tion of tho'laws in that paper, was consid ered so outrageous a persecution fori opinion's snko, that it may al.tiost be said to havo given him his subsequent political elevation and consequence ? Tho discon tinuance of Isaac Hill us printer ofthe laws was occasioned, too, by his publishing a libol on the lady of the President, without the least somblanco of truth, nnd so grossly indecent that Mr Randolph, though a zeal ous opposer of Mr Adams, said it ought not even to be rend on this floor. Tho occa sion, however, was seized, to bring tho subject of public printing under discussion in this House, and Mr Saunders, of North Carolina, introduced a resolution calling upon the Secretary of State to report what changes had been made in tlio newspapers printing the laws, together with his reasons for such changes. A long and spirited debate followed ; and as gentlemen seem to bavo such imperfect recollections of tho events of that day, some little refcrenco may perhaps bo usefully mado to what was said in that debate. It will bo observed that tho resolution of Mr Saunders, and thoso who supported it, required reasons to be giyen for a removal from office Since they camo into power, however, that doc trine has been denied and repudiated. Mr Bond said ho proposed to prove by this debalo, that the present Administra tion camo into powor declaring thut tho printing patronage ofthe Govornmont was inordinate and dangerous; that it ought to he restrained and regulated by law; nnd, in fine, promising, if olovated, to withdraw its cxerciso from llio Hxocutivc hands. Tho movoroftlmt resolution Mr Saun dersj said : '1 trust I shall not be accused of getting tin litis call for thu purposu of effect, nnr to bo told this is n small business.1 'Ho liuiitors' phraso is called n morn 'nriininn Thov llicn inOum na that nothint' moro in was not to bo told llmt the pecuniary the way of reform could be donu by tliom,' ninount involved in this inattor was too small to influence the editors of this coun try.' 'Tho total sum thus distributed, could not amount to less than between twenty and thirty thousand dollars.' There were eighty two papers employed in publishing the laws;' it was not of the expense that ho complained, but of tho purpose by which it wns controlled.' 'It was thus calculated to oticratc, and did. actully operate, so far as it went, to control the freedom of tho press, and to enlist. throughout tho country, that powerful nifii uiiiiMii in uuiiuii oi me views ui i lie State Department. In this respect, it wns much moro effectual and much more dan gerous than tho far famed alien and sedition laws.' Mr Saunders concluded by eavincr that it was his 'intention tq lake this power from the State Department, and plnco it else, where.' A member from Tennessee, (Mr Houston,) afterwards Governor of that State, and now tho President of Texas, sustained Mr Sounder's resolution, and de nied the right of ihe Secretary of State to change tho publication of tho laws for opin ion s sake. Ho alleged that tho practice of that Department 'had been to allow an individual, who might be personally opposed to the views andpTnionsof the Head ofthe Department, if he was honest and capable as a public officer, lo retain his place.' He asked 'If Changes had been made in order that the patronago of tlio Government may flow in a particular channel.? Such a course would gag the free expression of opinion.' lie said : 'Patronago is not a thing local and dr. cumscribcd. It seeks everv little ramificn tion into which it can by any possibility in sinuate itself. It is like the progress of a cancer in the human body ; it seizes on every vein and artery, one after another, nor stops its progress HI! tho sufferer sinks, and then the I; info is too late applied.' Next camo Mr Hamilton, of South Car- lino, the chairman of that retrenchment committee to which I have ulready alluded ''im,. .nii.. :.i 'These eighty-two presses would bo put on tho diet of a wholesome regimen, and in the course of a salutary discipline. The sturdy and independent would bo turned out to bo fed on such offals as they might be ablo to pick up, until the wholo pack should open in full and harmonious cry. in one common nolo, from tho sturdy mastiff that howls at the door of the Treasury, to the most starveling turnspit that barks on the farthest verge of our frontier.' Mr Bond said he would not stop to inquire whether we did now realize, in tho present official organ, tho Globe, 'that sturdy mas tiff that howls nt tho door of the Treasury. Mr Hamilton continued 'It is necessary that the Executive should have a Government press, to bo paid for by the People out ot tho public cotlerg, to bus, tain the measures of Iho Administration whether right or wrong?' 'If,' said he, 'a Secretary of btato can so applv the patron age of tho Government as lo nourish to venal accord eighty-two presses in our country to praiso every thing the Adminis tration should do, and subject their propric tors to the punishment of the loss of this patronage, if they dare to censure its rnea sures, this forms distinctly a Government press, which is more alarming to the liber ties of tho People than the organization of the wholo ot uen Brown s army of six thou sand men, formed into a guard of tho palaco If eighty-two presses can bo mado lo speak as it were in one voice that all tho Govern mcnt does is excellent, and all thoso who arc opposed to them say is false and factious tins constant combined nnd concerted Ian guage will soon have tendency to make those who hear littlo els& believe all this true.' Mr Bond hoped tho Houso would pardon him for this long extract. Mr Hamilton, from whose speech it is taken, was at the time a friend or Gen Jackson, and zealous ly engaged in elevating him to power. In thus describing tho Government patronage over the press, that gentleman said ho was merely warning the country of dangers which might be realized, if no restraint was imposed on that patrdnago. Gncral Jack son was elevated, and Mr Van Buren sue cceded him, and is now in power. Instead of eighty-two presses thus employed by the Government, they havo now considerably upwards of ono hundred, and the patronage is held and exercised without any manner of check or restraint. In this, surely, the country was disappointed. But you, also, Mr Speaker, took part in thai debate, and warned tho country of the danger of this patronge, and the necessity of restraining it. I hope, sir, it will not be out of order lo draw on your remarks, aid of my present purpose. The sentiments which you expressed arc perfectly just, and must command the approbation ol all impa tial minds. I have preferred, sir, sustaining tho res niution now undor consideration by tlio ar guments and illustrations of tho friends c General Jackson, rather than to attempt and new suggestions. xou will remember, Mr Speaker, that somo friend of Mr Clay, tho then Secretary of Slato, intimated that tho resolution of Mr Saunders savored somewhat of the Spanish inquisition. At this your indigna tion was aroused, and you exclaimed 'inquisitorial sir ! And has the luno ar rived in this country when it is deemed in quisitorial respectfully to ask n public offi cer, who is responsible to tho Pe,oplo whose representatives wo aro, fur the public rea sous (not tho private motives) of his public conduct? Is it insulting to demand of a public oflicur to explain und account for Ii is conduct? is the iransaHnittic doctrine, that thu King can ilo no wrong,' to be in trodnceil lion; ? Though wo havo no n'ien and Bnditiun laws, nro wo to have what is tantamount to them? Aro the public func tionaries of tho Government to ho wrapped un in tho robes of offico, mid lo ho hold it- 1 responsible to the People or the Pcopro'e representatives? And are all thoso who havo firmness and independenco enough feorlcsslv to innuiro into the conduct of public men, and tho manner in which tho public money is expended, to be denounced by tho partisans and servile adherents of tho house that now reigns, as factious op positionists ? Sir, you . continued, Mr Speaker,) thjs power of appointing tho pub lic printer is improperly lodged where it is. It is, to sny the least of it, subject to abuse, and may be impropnrly used for the purposo of muzzling and influencing the liberty of the press.' That being the case, you propose, sir. to remove this power of appointment from the Department of State, and yest it some where else, where it would be more safclv and properly exercised.' Tho country in aware, Mr Speaker that you havo continued to be a member of this House ever 6inco you mado the remarks just- quoted, now more than eleven years. Somo expectation was cherished that you wculd, when in a majority here, prnctiso undet these opinions, and remove this prinlinc patrnnano 'frofa tho Department of State, and vest it some where else, where it would be more safely and properly exorcised.' I am 6orry, sir. that tms public expectation has been dis ppoinlcd. 1 can only account for it by supposing that your various political en. gngemonts and high public station have withdrawn yo'ur attention from this impoi tant subject. There is some consolation. however, in knowing that you havo now an opportunity of redeeming your pledge, anu the mciuu ot retrenchment and reform indulge the hope that you will do it. I hope you, sir, will nnt think tins an 'in quisitorial' measure. It is indeed, truo that when the represontalives of tho People, during tlio last session of Congress, attomp. ted to look into the departments of tho Gov. ertinient. Gen. Jackson openly resisted it, and snui such .a measure wns 'vvorte than tho.'Spanish inquisition.' More, eir; ho. in cttect, gavo orders that it Bhould not bo tolerated. Mr Speaker, did not your check then mantle with honest indignation? and if you had held a seat here, instead of tho chair you occupy, would you not have again exclaimed. 'Is thu transatlantic doctrine, that 'the King can do no wrong,' to be in troduced here." Or were you constrained to admit that, undor the boasted system of reform, 'the public functionaries of the Government' are now 'wrapped up in tho robes of office,' and 'held irresponsible to tho reoplo or tlie People s representatives ?' Mr B. said ho Imped he had, by this tune. furnished some evidence to tho House, and to the gentleman from New Hampshire, (Mr Cushman, ) in particular, that tho c. -r- cise of this printing patronage by Mr Ad ams Administration, was not only question ed, but openly condemned. The friends of Gen. Jackson, .-o far from pretending that it was impracticable to correct tbo abuso of this power, pledged themselves to tho country, that thev could and would, when in a majority provide a remedy. Ho would submit it to the People to say, whether this had been dune. Wns it not notorious that tho extent of this printing patronage hud been greatly enlarged under the present dominant party? Is not the number of newspapers in which the laws are printed very considerably increased? Is not tho ordinary printing patronage ot the several departments far greater now than formerly? And, as to the public printing for Congress, it had so swollen, undor the promised re trenchment, that wc wore almost induced to believe that the term was used in irony by those from whom the People expected economy. I now propose, Mr Speaker, to show what seductive influences this patronago over the press carrios with it ; and, for this purpose, I must again invoke tho aid ofthe Jackson reformers, using their own argu ments, and the very language in which they admonished the country of the base usca which would bo made of this power. I hopo the gentlemen will remember tho re marks made on lhis( subject, and which I have already given to the House, from tho speech of Mr Hamilton, the chairman of tho Committee on Reform. I reserved for tho present branch ofthe argument, a peculiarly striking and descriptive passage in tho speech of Mr Houston, before alluded to. He undertakes to describe an honest, inde pendent editor, of good principles, and de served influence, and then adds, that such an editor as this May not be disposed to bow or bend his principles for the sake of supporting a par ticular Administration or individual. It may be necessary to corlain plans and in terests, that such a man as this should bo gagged or prostrated. In that case, a vory politic course would be to start a new paper somo few months bVl'ore new patronogo i to be conferred ; to uso every exertion to obtain for it a sufficient number of suhscri. bcrs; to tako measures that, at all hazards, tho paper be sustained ; then to get for tho editor somo true und trusty follow a fellow that will 'go tho whole;' who is troubled with no principles on nny subject, but who will support n certain intoiest 'through thick and ihin,' who will pursue no courso of his own, but will over be ready to tako his cuo from a certain quarter. Aftor get ting him somo one or two hundred subscri bers, and using every expedient to mako him sonic character, he must then hnvu the printing oflhe laws, as a token of the con fidence of tho Government, und then all will bo ready for action. Sir, I will not. say that such a press is to bq established nnd paid fot out of tho contingent funJ ; I nm not warranted in stteli uu Desertion ; but I say that sticli a new beginner must havo patronugo, although it bo in direct nppusu tion to tho interest and wishes ofthe Peo ple.' Thus spoke Mr Houston in 1027. Let us now-pause for a moment, Mr Speaker, and inquire whether those who know to well the use and nbuso of this power, liavu i Sec Fouttji Pose"