Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, February 22, 1839, Page 1

not the i,ouy of ca:sau but the welfare 11 OMR. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1839. VOL. XII No.609 o F B Y H. B STACY' SPEECH OF mil. CI.AY. ON THE SUIIJECT OP ABOLITION PKTITIOKS, YVamiinoton Citv. Fob. 7, 1 039. Mn. CLAY, uf Kentucky, rose to pre sent n petition, mid said havo received Mr. President, a petition to thoSonato ami 'niiso of Representatives of 1 hi United gta tcp, which I wish to present to the Son 0)Ck It is signed hv several hundred in habitnn lnn Dwt'ict of Columbia and chiefly ol 'be city of Washington. Among them I rer. "g" tb' nami of the highly cs teemed Ma " of the r.iiy, and other res pectaMo hanV". whicharo person ally ami well la'" " 0; f"nM ?ho.r ,'B'ret that '"-'s,2 'J-,c' of Ihcbolmon of slaved within ...'" Oniric ..I Columbia "'V-V . h nSflfto' upon iho considers nUn?'n ' -ps b hnoondernto and nm- Un.iodSt. ee. f flavor v within not desire the aiV '.,., ,i. the DiBirid. even i.' Cl,-V", Zl , very questionable power or al whnB . withnnt the consent of "e per. no interests would be imn.',,,'cl.v 1, . it ly affected by the meaou rei lha ' , fluretmn solely between t.hc pnnplo o. ' District and their ontv con.'!' t,")nBl ''C, lature, purely municipal, aiu" " v . no exterior influence or interest v"" J intcrforej that if at any future Pc"",tI ' people of this District shou'd a'n abolition of lavery within it. tt'.'ey wl doubtless make their wishes known, w be it will be litnQfinongli to I nk In; in,"1'1 vr into consideration; 'hat they do not. on i uic occasion present thpmsdvVs to Cmigres because they are slave iuilders many of them are not twin of t hem are conscien tiously opposed to slavery but they ap pear because they justly respect the right'' of those who own that description of prop crty, and because they entertain a deep conviction that the continued agitation ol the question by those who have no right to interfere with it. has an injurious influence on the peace and tranquility of the com munity and upon ihe well being and hap pinpss of those who are held in subjection; they finally protest a? well Against the unauthorized intervention of winch they complain, a against any legislation on the part of Congress in compliance there With. But. as I wish these respectable petitioners to be themselves heard, 1 request that their petition may be read. Ii was read accordingly, and Mr. Clay proceeded. I am informed bv the committee which re quested me to offer this petition, and be lieve that it expresses the almost unani mous sentiment of the people of the Dis Iriel nf Columbia. The performance of this aervice affords me. said Mr. Clay, a legitimate opportunity of which, with the permission of tho Sen ate. I mean now to avail myself to say aomelhinp not only on the particular object of the nptitin. but upon the great and in teresting' subject with which il ie intimate ly asenctated. It is well known to the Senate, said Mr Clav that I have thought that the most judicious course with aboli'ion petitions has not been of lato pursued by Congress. 1 havo believed that it would havo been wisest to have received and referred them without opposition, and to have reported against their object in a calm mid dispas eionate and argumentative 'appeal to the rood eenee of the whole community. It has been supposed, however, by a majority of Congress that il was moat expedient either not to receive petitions at ol", or, if formally leceived. not to act definitively upon them. There is no substantial differ encn between these opposite opinions, since both look to an absolute reject rm ol the prayor of the petitioners. But there is a great difference in the form of proceeding: and, Mr. President, aime experience in the conduct of human affairs has taught hip to believe that a neglect In observe et.inbllshed forms is often an ended wiin nvre miscliiev iou consequences ihan the infliction of a positive injury. We nil know that, even in private life, violation of tho existing usages and ceremonies of societ.y cannot take place without serious prejudice. I fear sir. that the abolitionist have acquired a considerably apparent mrce by blending with Ihe object winch thv have in view, a collateral and totally different question arising out of an allegl violation of the rirht of petition. I knew full w.ell. and take great pleasure iu testifying, that no thing wbb remoter irnm me iniennun oi flip majority of the Senate, from which I differed, that to violate the right of petition in any cape in which, according to its jntlg roent, that right could bo constitutionally exercised, or where the object of tho pn tition could be safely or properly granted. Still, it miiBt bp owned that tlie abolitionists have seized hold of the fact of i lie treat men! which their petitions have received in Congress, and made injurious impres. uions upon the minds of a large pnrtion of the community. This, 1 think, might have been avoided by the course which I should have been glad to have seen pursued. And I desire now, Mr. Piesident, to ad vert to snme nf thoso topics which I think might have been usefully embodied in a report by a committee of the Senato, nnd which, 1 am persuaded, would have chock ed tho progress, if it had not altogether arrested the efforts, of abolition. I am sensible, sir. that this work would have been accomplished with much greater abtli ty and with much happier effect, under tho auspices ol a committee, than it can bo by me. Bui. anxious as I always am to cmi tribute whatever is in my power In the harmony, concord, and happiness nfthi great people,! teel myself inesisiabiy im celled to do whatever is in my power, in competent as I feel myself to be, to dissuade the public from continuing to agitato a subject fraught with the most direful con- aequences. There are three classes of persons oppoa ed, or apparently opposed, to the continued existence of slavery in the U. Slates The first are those who. from sentiment of philnnilirophy and humanity, are couscien limisly opposed to the existence of slavery, hut who are no less opposed, at the same time, to any disturbance of the peace ami tranquility of the Union, nrlho infringement of the powers of the States composing the Confederacy. In tins class may be com. prehended that peaceful and exemplary society of "Friends," onn of whoso estab lished maxima is, nn abhorrence of war in all its forms, and the cultivation of peace and good-will amongst mankind. The next class consist of apparent abolitionists thai is, thine who, having been persuaded ihat the right of petition has been violated by Congress, co-operate with tho abolition ists for the-sole purpose of asserting and vindicating that right. And ihe third clas arc tho rcol ultra-abolitionists, who are resolved lo persevere in the pursuit of their object at. all hazards, and without regard to any consequences, however calamitous ihey may be. With them the rights of property are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the General Government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontcjt able powers ot the States are nothing ; civil war, a dissolution of the Union, and the overthrow of a government in which are 1 conceniralcd the fondest hopes of the civil-ii,-"! world, are nothing. A single idea hns't'tken possession of their miniN. and onw.V'1'1 'hey purue it. overlooking nil bar. riers. fuckl"' and regardless of all cmse qip'iices. JVii h i his class, the iinmedia'e abolition o.r slavery in the District of Co ,'uinbia. and in the Territory of Florida, ih'j prohibit toil of the removal of slaves . . o ... an.l I lift rntni ! I roin oiurc in .tu.w, ..-.. , no'mit nny now Sta te, comprising wnnin us jin-- i he instituting o'" domestic slavery. arc hots') many mea.'is i-omuiumi; u me. accomp.l. mtM,t.f the uiVtma te but perilou. end at which they a vowedl)1 aim boldly aim; are but so rnn.'iy short slag en in me ong and bloody road .'n the distan' oalat which Kiev would finally arrive, The purpo-e i abolition universal abolition, peac-ay ' it can. forcibly if it n?"6'- Tlteir object (f no longer concealeo by the tinned veil ; H is avowed and proclaim. U'lerly defi nite of constitutional or ntlk." rigiiiiui pow er, living in totally nistinc cn'noiunmKw, n lien to the cmimnnitipfl in which the sub ject on which they would operate resides, so far as concern political power over inai subject, as if (hey lived in Africa or .Asia, ihey nevertheless promulgate to the wifrld their purpose to he lo manumit forthwith, and without compensation, and without moral preparation, three millions of negro slaves, under jurisdictions altogether sepa rated from those under which I hoy live. 1 have said that immediate abolition of slave ry in the District of Columbia and in the Territory nf Florida, and the exclusion nf new Stales, were only means towards the attainment of a much more important end. Unfortunately. they are not the only means, Another, and much more lamentable one is that which class is endeavoring lo em ploy, of arraying one portion against an other portion of the Union. With thai view, in all their leading prints and publi cations, the alleged horrors of slavery are depicted in the most glowing and exaggera ted colors, to excite the imaginations and siimulale the rago of the people in the free S'ates again! the pimple in slave states. The slaveholder is held up and represented as the most atrocious of human beings Advertisements of fugitive t-laves and ol slaves to be sold are carefully collected and hlnz ined forth, to infuse a spirit of dpleta lion and hatred against one entire and the largest section of the Union. And like a notorious agitator upon another theatre, Ihey would hunt down and proscribe from the'palo of civilized society the inhabitants of that entire section. Allow me, Mr. President, lo say. that whilsl I recognise in the J 1 1 -1 1 v wounded feelings of the Minister of the Untied Sialcs at Ihe Court of St. James, much to exnue the notice which he was provoked to lake of that agitator, in my humble opinion, he would hotter have eoiiMilied the dignity of his Maiiou and nf h s country in treating turn wi'h contcmptii oos Hlence. He would exclude us from I European society ha who himself can nnly obtain a contraband admision, anil is re ceived with scornful repugnance into it! If he be no more desirous of our sociply than we are of his, he may rest assured that a slalc,of eternal nnn intercourse will exist between us. Yes, sir, I think the American Minister would ha,ve best pnrt-ued the dictates of true dignity by regarding the language ol the member of Ihe British House of Commons as the malignant ra vings.oflho plunderer of his own cniiutry. and the libeller of a foreign and kindred people But the means to which I hive already adverted are not tho only ones which this third class of ultra. abnliiinnistsareeinploy. tug to efl'.'Ct their ullnnaio end. Ihey began their operations by professing to employ only porsuusive means in appealing to Ihe humanity, and enlightening (no un derstandings of ihe slaveholding portion of ihe Union, If there wero somo kindness in tins avowed mulive, it must be acknowl edged thai there was rather n presumpiu ous display aiso 01 an nssumeu superiority intelligence and knowledge. Fur some time they continued to make these appeals to our duly and our interest ; but impatient wiin me sinw uitMence of their logic upon our stupid minds, ihey fecerily reeolvml to change Iheir system of action. To Ihe agency of thee powur f pDrsnasion. Ihey now prnpOfO to subslnuin lli puwer ol ihe ballot box ; and ho must hn blind to what is passing belorc us, who does not perceivo Ihat tho inevitable tendency nf l heir proceedings is, if these should be found insuffiMeiit, to invoko, finally, the mure potent powers of the bayonet. Mr. President, it is at this alarming stage of the proceedings of the ultra abolitionists l that I would soriouBly invito every coniid. eralc man in (he country solemnly to pause, and deliberately to reflect, rot merely on our existing posture, but upon ihat dreadful precipice down which ihey would hurry in. It is because these ultra-iibolilioni-'ls have, ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuaMnn, have made their caue political and have appealed to tho ballot box, that I am induced, upon this occasion, to address you. There havo been three epochs in the history of our country at which the spirit nf abolition displayed itself. The first was immediately after the formation of the present Federal Governmen'. When the Constitution was about going into opera Hon, its powers were not well understood by the community at large, and remained to be accurately interpreted nnd defined. At that period numerous abolition societies were formed comprising not merely the Society of Friends, but many other gnml men. Petitions wore presented to Con gress, praying for the abolition of slavery. They were received without serious oppo sition, referred, and reported upon by a committee. The report slated (hat the General Government had no power to abolish slavery as it existed in the several Slates, nnd that these Slates themselves had exclusive jurisdiction over the subject. The report wa generally acquiesced in. and satisfaction and tranquility ensued, the abolition societies thereafter limning their exuriion, in repect to the black populn Hon. to offices of humanity within the scope of existing laws. The next, period when the subject of sla very, and ah ilitinu incidentally, wa brought into notice and discussion, was that on the memorable occasion of the admi-smn of the Stnio of Missouri into the Union. The "truggle was long, strenuous, nnd fearful. It is ton recent to mako it necessary lo do more than merely advert to it, mid to say. that it wit" finally composed by one of those compromises characieri-nc of our ins'itu Hons, and of which the Constitution itself i Hie most signal instance. The third is that in which we now find ourselves. Various enures. Mr President, have contributed lo produce the existing erctlement on tho subject of abolition. The principal one, perhaps, is the example of fvritish emancipation of ihe slaves in Ihe islands adjacent lo our country. Such i tln similarity in laws, in language, in tnnti lulioO". nod in common origin, between Great- B.'itain ond the United States, tho.' no great measure of national policy can he adoplpd i,n Ihe on.? country without produ cing a consi'dnrahlo degree of influence in i fic other. Confounding the totally d.iT-r nt cases tngotihiv of the powers nf the U'ltislr I'arliamei)' aim muse m um won grps of the United States, and Ihn totally different mutation oif''l" British West In ilia Hands, and Hie i-la v " " sovereign nnd indenendent States of tin Confedera cy, superficial men have i.'t.'erred from Hie undecided British expcimet, I, P'aciioa hihly ofthe abolition of slavery in these Stales. The powers of Ihe Br." Kb Parlia ment arc unlimited, and ore often describe! lo be omnipotent. The powers of the American Congress, nn the central y. are few, caiiiioii-ily limited, scrupulously t.'xclu ding all thai are not granted, and, o.bnve all, carefully nnd absolutely excluding all power over ihe existence or continuance of slavery in I ho several Slates. I he slaves, Inn, upon which British l"gislatinn operated, were not in the bnoin nf Ihe kingdom, but in remote nnd feeble colonies having no voice in Parliament. The West India slaveholder was neither represented nor representative in that Parliament. And whilst I m isi fervently wish cumplete sue cen to the British experiment of West India emancipation I confess that I have fearful forebodings nl'a disastrous tormina Hon of il. Whatever it may be, I think it nnisi be admitted ilia', if the British Par liament treated the West India stoves ns freemen, it also treated the West India freemen as slave. If, instead of these i-laves being separated by a wide ocean from the parent country, three or four mil lions of Afnean negro flaves had been dis pcrsed over England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and their owners had been mem bers of the British Parliament a ca-o which would have presented sonic analogy to that of our own country does nny one believe ihat it would have been expedient or practicable to have emancipated them, leaving them to remain, wnh nil I heir embittered feelings,in the United Kingdom, 'boundless as the powers of the British Parliament are! Other causes have conspired with British example to produce the excitement from abolition. I say it with profound regret. but will) no intention to occasion irrila tion hero or cl-'ewhere, that there are per sons in bulb parts of the Union who have 'sought to mingle abolition with politics and to array one portion of iho Union again-t tho other, it is the mi-fortune in free Countries Ihat high parly limes, a dispo. Hit inn loo often prevails to seize hold of every thing which can strengthen iho one side or weaken tho nlher. Charges of restoring aboli'ion designs have been lined, lossly and unjustly made by ouo parly against the other. Prior lo (he late I election of tho present President of ihe United States, he was charged with being an abnlilinnisls and abolition designs were unnoted to many of his supporters. Much as I was opposed in Ins election, and am to his adminisir.ation, I neither shared in making nor believing the impIi of Hm ehargo lie was scaicely installed in office hoforo the same charge was directed against thoso who opposed his election. Mr. President, it is not (rue, and I re jiiico that it is not true, that either nf tho t wo great parties in this country has nny designs or aim at abolition. I should deep ly lament if it wero true. I should con sider, if it were true, (hat the danger to theslabilily of our system would be infinite. Jy greater than any which does, I hope, actually exist. WhiNt neither parly can be. I ihitik. justly accused i any abolition tendency or purpose, both have profiled, and both have been injured, in particular localities, by Ihe acce-stnn or absiraction of abolition support. If tho account were fairly slated, I believe the party lo which I am opposed has profited much more, and heon injured much les than.that lo which I belong. But am far, for that reaon, from being disposed tn nccuso our adver saries of beinj abolitionists. And, now, Mr. President, allow mo lo consider the several cisns in which the authority of Congress is invoked by these abolition petitioners upon the subject of domestic slavnry. Tho first relates to il as it nxtsls in the District of Cnlumbin. The following i the provision of Hie con siuntion of thd United Slates in reference lo that mutter; "To exercise exclusive Icgislatinn in all cases whitsnr-ver over such Distrte' (nni exceeding (en utiles jquare) as may by cession of particular stales, and the nc' ceptancn dJjCongruts. become Iho 6uat of Government ol Ihu United Stales." This provision preceded, in point of time, the actual cessions which were made by the states of Maryland and Virginia. Tho object nf the cession wis in es'iihlish a seal Government of the United Stales: and the grant in the constitution of exclusive legis. lai ion must be understood, and blumUl "bo always inierpretcJ, ns having relation to Ihn obj-ct nf tho session. It was with a full knowledge of his cause in the consti tution that those Uo states ceded to tho General G iverummt the ten miles sqnres. constituting H)e D,strict of Columbia. In making iho cession ihey supposed that it was lobe applied, nd applied solely, to tho purposes of a sett of Government, for wlneh it wns askd. When it was made, slavery existed in both thoso common wealths, and in the ctdod territory, as il now continues In exist tn all of'lhem Neither M.iry'and nor Virginia could have anticipated Ihat. whilst the institution re. inained within their respective limits, its abolition would be attempted by Conrrress without their consent. Neither of Them would probably have made an unconditional ces-iun. if they could have anticipated such a refill. From the nature of the provision in the constitution, and the avowed object of ihe ncq-ii-u inn oi mo territory, two duties arise on the part of Congress. The fix is. to render the Di'tnct available, coml'orla ble. and convenient, as a seat of Govern mont of tlie whole Union; Ihe other is, to govern the people withm the district so as beat to promote their happiness and prosper, ity These objects arc totally distinct in meir nature, and, in interpreting and exer cising thrj grant of the power of exchi-ive legislation.. that distinction ehould bo con stoutly borne in mind. Is il necessary, in order to rjnder tin- place a comfortable seat of Ihe General Government, to abolish slavery wi Inn its limits? No one can or will advan:esuch a proposition. The cov eminent has remained here near forty years without the slighiet inconvenience "from the presence of domestic slavery. It necessary lo the well-being of the people oi t lie JJistrict that slavery should be abol islied fron amongst them? They not only nmuier 0!U nor desire, but are almost un,in nnmisly opposed lo it. It exists here in t lie uiildi'i-t and most mitigated form. In iinpulatioa of 39 (134 there were, at Ihe lasi enumeration of ihn population of the Urn led Stales, but 6 1 19 cIhvcs. The number has not probably much incren.'ed since. I hey ate dispersed over ihe ten miles qnare. engaged in the quiet pursuits of husbandry, or in mental oflietM of domestic life. It'll were necessary to the efficiency of I his place as a seat of the General Gov-' rninetit lo abolish slavery, which is uiter jv denied, ihe abolition should be confined to the necessity which prompts it, Ihat is. to the limits of the city of Washington it. self. Beyond those limits, persons con corned in the Government of the United Sa'es, have no more to do with the itihabt lams of the District, than they hnvo with the adjacent countries of Mirylan.l and Virginia ivlnch lie b 'yonil ihe District. To abolish slavery within the District nf Colombia, whilst it remains in Virginia and Maryland, situated, as thai District is. within i he very heart of those States, would expose I hem to great practical incoiweu. lence and annoyance. The District would become n place nf refuge and escape lor fugitive slaves from the two Stales, and a place from which a spirit of discontent, in .subordination, and iiiMirreclmn might he fostered and encouraged in Hie two S'ales. Suppose, as was al one lime under consul erai inn, Pennsylvania had granted ten miles square within its limns for the pur pose of a seat of the Gcnernl Government; could Congress, without a violation of good fnitli, have introduced and es'ablished slavery within the bosom of that Comiiion wealth, i it i lie ceded territory, after she had abolished it so long ago as the year 171)0? Yet the incnnvjinence lo Pennsylvania in (he case Fiipposed would have been much less than (hat tn Virginia and Maryland in the cases wo am arguing. It was upin this view of the subject lltVt thn Senate in lis last session, eomuly do dared that it would bo a violation of im plied faith, resulting from the transaction of the cession, to abolish slavery within the District ol Columbia. And would it not bi;? By implied foil ft is meant that when a gram i undo for one avowed and declar ed purpose, known in I he parlies, the grant should nut bo perverted to another purpose, unavowsd and undeclared, and injurious lo the granlor. The grant, in ihu ciso we are considering, nf iho lerriiory ol Colum bia, was lor a seat of Government. What ever power is necessaiy to accomplish that object is carried along by tho grant. Bui the abolition of slavery is nui necessary to tho enjoyment of this site as a sunt ofthe General Government. The grant in tho Cons'iliition, of exclusive power of legtsa lion over the District, was made lo ensure the exerniso of an exclusive authority ol the General Government In render this place n safe and secure seat of Govern ment, and lo promote the well being of ihe inhabitants ofthe District. The" power granted, ought to be interpreted and exer cised solely to the end for which it was granted The language of Iho grant was necessarily broad, comprehensive and ex elusive, because all the exigencien which might arise to render (his a secure seat of t le General Government could not have been foreseen and provided for. The Inn. guagn may pos-ihly bo sufficiently compre- ueusive in inciiiue a power ol abolition, but it would not at all Ihnnco follow that the power could be rightfully exercised. The case may bo resmbled to Hint of a plcnipo. lenuary invested with plenary power, but who, at ma pame tune, has positive instrue linns from his Gevernment n? to the kind ol Ireaiy which he is to negotiate and en cluile. If he vinla'"s those instructions, and concludes a different treaty, his Guv eminent is not bound by it. And if ihe lorcign fjovernmeut is aware ofthe viola lion.it acts in had faitu. Or it may be illustrated by an examnln drown from private life. I am an endorser for my friend on a note discounted in bank. He applies to me to endnrso another to renew it, which I do in blank. Now. this gives him power to make any other use of inv note which he pleases. But, instead o'f applying it lo the intended purpose, he geos to a broker and sells it, thereby dnub ling my responsibly for him, he commits n breach nf trust, and a violation of (he good faith implied in the whole transaction. But, Mr. President, if this reasoning were as errnneaua as I btlteve it to be correct and conclusive, is the affair of the liberation of six thousand negro slaves in this District, disconnected with tho throe millions ofslaves in the United States, of sufficient magnitude to agnate, di-tract, and embitter this great Confederacy? The next case in which the petitioners ask the exercise ofthe power of Congress, relates to slavery in (ho Territory ol Florida. Florida is the extreme soul hern portion of the United Slates. It is bounded on all its land sides by states, and is several hun dred miles from the nearest free Slate. Il almost extends within the topics, nnd the nearest important island to it' on thn water sido is Cobi. a slave island. This simple statement of its geographical pommo should of itself decide the question. When by the treaty "f I8I9 with Spain, it was ceueii lo the United States, slavery existed wmiio ii. uy I no terms ol that treaty, the effects and prooerty of the inhabitant are secured in them, and they ore allowed to remove and lake them iiwjv. if ihev think proper la do so, without luiutntion ns to turn If it were expedient, therefore, lo abolish slavery in it, it could not be done con-istenily with the treaty, without granting lo the nncient inhabitants a rea sonable time to remove their slaves. Bui further. By the compromise which took place on the passage of the net for th admission nf Missouri into the Union, in the year 1820, it was agreed ond under stood that Ihe fine of 3G deg. 30 mm. ol norlh latitude shon'd mark 'the boundary between the Ireo Slates and the slave States to ho created in the territories of the United Stales ceded by the treaty ol LniiHianna ; those situated south of It b'.'ing slave S'ates. nud those north of it free Stales. But Florida is south of Ihat line, and, consequently, according lo Ihe iho spirit of the understanding which pre vailed nt the period alluded lo, sluuild be a slave State. Il nny bo true that the compromise dues nut in terms embrace Florida, and that it is not absolutely bind ing and obligatory; but all candid and impartial men must agree thai it ought nut to be disregarded without t he most weighty considerations, and that nothing could be more lo he (. pneated than to oocn anew ihe bleeding wounds which were happily hound up ond healed by i tint compromise Florida is Km Imy remaining Territory to bo admitted into Hie Union with tin iiisiiunion of nf domestic slavery, while Wisconsin and Iowa aro now nearly ripe for admission without it. The next instance in which the exercise nf Ihe power of Congress is solicited is tha' nfprohibitiiig what is denominated by the petitioners the slave trade between th States, or, as it is described in abolition petitions, the traffic in human beings be. tween the States. This exercn-o "of Hie power of Congress is claimed und'r ihat clause of the Constitution which invests it with authority lo regulate commerce with foreign nations, nnd nmong the several States, and with the Indian tribes. The power lo regulate commerce among ihe several States, like other powers in the Constitution, has hitherto remained dor maul in respect (0 tl,Q j(,,rll)r ,f4(lo , land between S,nPS It WM Q- ;f trnnifil, hha all fliq olhdr powers of the Ui'netal Government, to secure peace and harinoii" anioinr th,i Smu.j. 11 nlinrln H I'.'a? not henti necessary to exorcise it. AM tho cases in winch, during Ihe progress ol time, it may become expedient lo exert Ihe genornl nulhori'y to regulate enmmnrce Imt ween the States, cannot bo conceived Wo may easily imagine however, contin gencies which, if they wero to happen, might require the interposition of the com. mon authority, If, for example, the Stall nf Ohio were, by law, to prohibit nnv ves set enloring the port of Cincinnati, from the port of Louisville, in Kentucky, iflhai casu ho not nlready provided fur by the laws which regulate our cousting Irado. ii would bo competent (o the General Guv- eminent lo annul Ihe prohibition emanating from btnto authority. Or if the Sintn of Kentucky were to prohibit the introduction within its limilu. nf miv nrliolna nf Irmln. .. .v. "'''I " mo production of the industry of tho inhab itnnls ofthe Stnln of Ohio, ihe General Government might, by its authority, super, seilo the S'alc enactment. But I deiy that the General Government has any authority, whatever, from the Constitution, to abolish what is called Ihe slavo trade, or. in other words, to prohibit the removal if slaves frnm one slave Stale to another slave State. The grant in Ihe Constitution is of a' power of regulation, and not prohibition,' It is conservative, nut destructive. Regu. lalion etvi termini implies the continued existence or prosecution of Ihe thing regu. lated. Prohibition implies total discontin uance or annihilation. The regulation intended was designee! to facilitate and ac commodate, not to obstruct Biul incommode, tho commerce to he regulated. Can il'bs pretended that, under this power In be rpculated. L.an it be pretended that, under Una power In regulate commerce? among the slates, Congress has tho j.iwor lo prohibit the transportation of live sioclr winch, in countless numbers, nrn daily passing from the western and interior -tales lo i he southern, southwestern and Atlantic states ? The moment the mem. teslible fact is admitted, that negro slaves are prnpetty, the law of moveable property irresi-uiiiy atnehes Used tn tiiem, and secures the right of carrying them from one tn another stale, where they arc recog nized as property, wuhuut any hindraiica whatever frnm Congress. But, Mr. President, I will not detain tht Senate longer on the subjects nf slavery within the District and in Florida, and of the right ol Congress to prohibit the remov al ofslaves from one f-tate to another. These, as 1 have already intimated, with ultra-abolitionists are but so many masked baltnrics. concealing the real and ultimata point of attack. That point of attack is the institution of domestic slavery ns it exist in these states. It is to liberate three millions of slaves held in bondage wilhin them. And now allow me, sir, to glanco at the insurmountable obstacles which Its in the way nt tho accomplishment of this end, and at some of the consequences which would enne il it were possible to attain if. The first iinp"dimeut is tne tiftet and absolute want of all power on the part of iho General Government, to efiYct the uu'pnse. The Const totion of the United States creates a limited government, eoinpiising comparatively few powers, and leaving the residuary mass of political power in thn possession of the several states. It is well known th if the snbj - el of slavery interposed one ofthe greaf..( diffi. cutties in the formation ofthe eousitution. It was happily compromised and adjusted m a spirit of harmmiy and patriotism, According to that compromise, no power whatever was granted to the General G iverument in re.pecf fodmnesfic slavery, but that which rehifes to f ixation and representation, and the power t restore fugitive slaves to their lawful owners. All other power in regard tu the insf fiitioii of -lavery was retained exclusively by tha Sf ifes, to be exceiciscd by them sevorally, according to their respective views of their own peeuliar tnfere.-f-i. The Const fofinn of thu United States never could have been formed upon the principle of inve-t ng the General Government with authority to abolish the institution nf its pleasure, ft never can be continued for a single day it Hie exercise of tuch a power be assumed or' usurped. But it may l)fl rnillenileil by ihpse iillra-abolillon. ists ih.it ihi'ir uliji'ci is nut lo iliimitriir ilie iiclioa nf i lie lieiieial (iiivprimieni, hm lo operate upon llie .Stale iliHinfeUej in wlilrh 'lit; itiri l.iiiimi of ilmiirsiii! sl.iieiv exl'is. Il'ihil he ilieir nliji-ct, wliv me ih-'.-e .ihiiloion Fucieiir and iii'Ht'Micfin nil rtinfliii-d lit i In: fire Stales 1 Why are the ,i Si;i'(m u.inujnly and (iiii'llv asjt.iilt-d 1 Why i'.o 1 1 if iiliiiliiinii prcj-fj ipci!) with piililitMiitiiH lending lu cxt'.ili' liaiifl .1 ml .inlui'i'iii) nn iln part of I ho inli.ilinaiiis nf die dec rfi.ue.s aij.iin-l ihn.p nf I lie cl.n e .Si. mis 1 Why is Cnnjicsj peiiiinneil t Th fipi-Si.ues Ii.ivp nn inoip porter or i iijln in Imerfpis with inniiniioiH In the si. no Si.i es mutMcd in I exclusive jiiii-nlieiinii of lluisn rjliile, It, in ilcy unuM li.ive in inii'iftfie uilli insliiiiuom PKuiiin in .my flni-iun rummy. What wmiM lie lliuiijlu of ilie riiiii.iiinn nf ncipi ies in (irt'.u Itm.iiti, ilin ii. .-ne nf iniiii'M Dis inll iiiini.ituiy piihlie.iiiuni, am) ilia fOiulini; mil nf li'1'linpi.s llirniijlimit ihe killed nil, di'iiiuiiu'.in mill aiming al iht: ilemrnr.iimi nf any nf ihe hisiiiiMiniH nf I'linice 1 WnnM iIim lie ip.ir. deil ii4 pinrpediiu w.ii r.inipil hygai'l neinlili nllonilt Oi wli.ii would lie iImiisIii nf i tie furinuimi of mci- Plip in llip cl.ive Hliifps, lilt! i.'il nfinlJni ard iull iniiii.iiniy Ir.mis, and ihe ilrpuiaiinn nf nil-siun. aril'', puiii'iii.' otu iuiai"itmei ileiinnci.it tons again t i n-l il it I ions umler I In- cxcliime con ml ul'iht-iu Sun's ? Is ilieir iiii'iur in appeal in our nn lit standings, and in iicm iie nur hum iniiv f And ilo ihey expect In iirniuiplifli llnl piupind by linld'i jf us up in dip fcuiii, iiml rnn'Pinpi, ami deipulaiion ui' lln: people of die fiee Jsl.ilps mid iIik whole, ruilii.il ivmltlf I'lie id.oeiy which rxisis hiiviuj;s 119 is mir iitfiir, mil iln'lrs ; and ihey haie no mum just, r.unt'oi 11 wilh ii ih, in ihey have willi sl.nerv it I'xirla llnonliuiil llm uiiild, Why not Wmk il lr us, as llm ('niiiii)mi Constitution "' our country Ima left It, In iin.de.lh with tnuli'i' tha guidance uf l'i o itleno, as hco we 111 ty or ran 1 The next obstacle in the way nf .ibililinn nrisrs out of llie l.irt nfilie iicpiire in llm pl.isn Sjiaios nf tin c-u nullum, nf slaves. I'lu'v am iliere, ifispei.f d llirniijiliuiii 1 lie liud, pot iiii'l pirrel of our pipnln 11. in, Tliey neie hronjil iien the rnuuliy ungiiMl. ly under llip iiullnirhv nf die patent IJnveinuiei t vliil.si ho iveie rnliuups, ami ilieir iinpoii.uii n was rnniinued in .piic nf.ill die ieiiiimsiraiirs if our iinrefiiirs, If die i'iesliuii U're an nriam I Hueiiiinn, whether, litem lieinj nn lsvps within llo funnily, wcfliuuld iniriiiluci) lliem, ami inroi pnr.iip lln-. 11 intn our soniriVi dial would tin 11 mially dif f'lriii n,upjiiun, I 'e iv, il any, of ilia riiizens fifths Uniii'if Stale ivnu'd lie f mail t' fiver ilieir burn dui'liun. No 111111 in it would oppose, upon that mippiniiinn, ilieu' inlinuwun wnh inuie ileieriniunt M'snliititiii tin I roii'fieniimiri ippujiMnce lluu J hIkiiiM. Itiil lint i' ""t the niesiiuii, I'll" idaim me here ; no praciiril fclienie fur ilieir remnval 1 r nt'piraiinn from im II is 5 PI been devineil nr prnpuspd; ami lite line iiifjuirv is, wh it if hel In be dune wnh lliem. In Inn ii it affairs we aio ul'eo roiiiMraiued. by the fmce ofi'iiriiin,iaiii-esantl llie actual siaio nf tilings, In do what uu tvmiM not 1 to if thai naln of llnn(! did mil rxi't. I'lio sl.ues urn hrrp, nid liem must rein.iln, in unmn mntliiinii; and, liepnatP huw me lliev In In le-st ;nvriiieil ! WI1.1t i bei in lie done t'ur their h ippiness and our own f lor' the slave Slates llm allrrn.ilne i.', that llm whim man 11111,1 govern llie hl.ii'k, nr 1 lie black govern 1 lie ivhiin. In aeeriil of thorn Stales, llm nunibfr of ilia slavei iijrculer than that of ilia while pop.