FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 31. For Governor, SXJ&S H. JENISON. For Lieut. Governor, DAVID 3YL OAlflP. For Treasurer, HENY P. JANES. SENATORS FOR CHITTENDEN COUNTY JOHN N.POMEROV, JOSEPH CLARK. FOR GRAND ISLE COUNTY. JOEL ALLEN. For Congress. HON. HEMAN AIXEN. To the POLLS! the POLLS! On Tuesday next let every free man fulfil the duty he owes to him self, to the State and the country. Let all who justly value the privi lege of choosing their own rulers, all who arc filled with the true spirit of independence, all who would pro mote the peace and prosperity of the state, go to the polls and cast their votes for the WHIG TICK ET. We arc abundantly strong, if avc will but come out in our strength; and We again urge upon the whigs ol this district the importance of unsparing activity. Let no man withhold his vote or his influence, because he happens to reside in a town abundantly strong on the right side. Those are just the towns that ought to rally, and come forth like a strong man armed. Who will say he cannot spend one day to assert the glorious birth right of a freeman ? Who will for get that eternal vigilance is the only condition on which we can enjoy republican liberty the only means of preserving it. Let every citizen remember that he who sleeps on his .elective franchise may awake in the arms of tyrants. Let the ballot boxes show that you are yet proud to be free. TEXT. "John Smith was opposed to the last " war, has always been a rank federalist, " and if he did not live to oppose the elec " tion and administration ol Thomas Jeffer "son, he has nevertheless rendered himself " equally culpable with those who did, by a "zealous opposition throughout his whole "political career, to Jeffersonian principles. " Sentinel, Aug. 1034. INCIDENT. John Smith is now a democratic candi date for Congress, in this district. COMMENT. ' No matter whai the principles or char "actcroftho candidate they may bring " forward, the freeman of this state are to "be DRAGOONED into the support of ' him, for the 6ole reason that ho is the " 'most available candidate.' Will not the " independent freemen resent the INSULT " hero directly put upon then), that they " have no fixed principles of their own, but "that they can bo BOUGHT UP to sup. " port any man who is "the strongest, and " can bo brought into the field ?" Sentinel, "March 23, 1030. NOTE-BY-TIIE-WAY. The freemen of this district do, and will, "resent the insult hero directly put upon them," by the nomination of Mr. Smith. They cannot be "dragooned" into the sup. port of such an "available," nor can they bo "bought up" to support any man, though lio bo as "strong," as rank "FEDERAL ISM" can make him. A CASH IN POINT. Messrs. Nathan Guilford and W. G. Pendleton having been spoken of as Whig candidates to represent tho Cincinnati (Mr Duncan's) district in Congress, several ficnllemen in Cincinnati addressed a letter 1o each of them inquiring whether he would bo willing to acquiesce in tho decision of tho party, nnd, in tho contingency of his not receiving iho nomination, whether ho nvould withdraw from the canvass, and yield a hearty support to the nominee. Mr, Pendleton's answer appears in tho Cincin' flati Gazette of tho lath instant, at which timo Mr. Guilford's had not been received. Tho former gentleman, in haudsomo and mnnly terms, answers affirmatively both the questions put to In in : I ntn nappy (lie says) in tins opportunity of stating publicly what 1 have uniformly said wiicu nit tunj'jw iw j utvu uicuiigiicu, Will lull is nut time for I he indulgence) of personal partialities or antipathies llmt ills nf comparatively little iin poriuuco who shall be elected to Congieis, while it is uhtolutcly necessary to rebuke the spirit of inis' ride which animates the ptctcnt Administration ( I hut a plop must bo put to tlm ruinous experiments mill selfish schemes, whoso obvious tendency, if not specific object, is to accumulate in llio Federal Gxcrumo all the powers ol the ooernmenl, which I lie c.iulimis wisdom of the frntneis of ilia Conslitu linn divided between t lie President and llio two llnii.-fn nf Comness ! that, for the altuininent of ic ;ii lis so deshnblc, there must bo n firm nnd united stand in favor of n single rnndiilalc, who, with po litical principles above nil suspicion, will probably receive itie support of lite greatest number opposed to the Administration. "These being my views, I explicitly dcclate that 1 will acquiesce in any decision which may be made and In auv fbnn in which it may bo expressed ; and that I will yield to the person nominated not n cold and reluctant, hum warm and hearty support." Thisistho language of truo patriotism and good sense; and wo would respectful ly urge it upon the candid consideration of those who entertain the idea of dividing the whig vote in this district. Do not tho considerations wich actuate Mr. Pendleton, come homo with equal forcoto Mr. Briggs? Docs not justice to himself, to tho cause, to tho country, demand of him an equally high. minded and honorable course? This i3 surely " not a time for the indulgence of personal partialities or antipathies," nor is it a fitting time to agitato questions of ro tation, of locality, and the like; for in a struggle like tho present, no party is strong enough to risk the hazard of division in its own rank?. The contest is not, and cannot be botween Mr. Briggs and Mr. Allen. It is simply between Heman Allen and John Smith the one, the representative of whig principles the other, -what word can express it ! And let every candid reflect ing whig bear in mind that in casting his vote for Mr Brigg., under present circtn stanccs, he as surely, though less di rectly, promotes JIr. Smith's election, as if he cast his vote for him. Mr. Smith's supporters understand this. They enter tain no hope of success except through our division. Shall we then, like children, play into their hands? God forbid. The whig catiso has cost us too much toil, too much suffering has already brought us too many glorious triumphs, and promises too much for the final salvation of the country, to be thus trifled with. Rouse up ! to the polls ! 'lis your COUNTRY calls ! PECK THE FLINT. It is objected to Mr. Allen, that, during the twenty years ho has been in public life, in a single instance he has failed to do what the circumstances of the case seem to have required. How many men can stand even thus acquitted ? Pew, indeed. But we cannot better illustrate this point, than by an anecdote. Mr Clay's vote lor the new compensation bill, it will bo recollected, like to have cost him his seat in Congress. Hal, eaid an old friend, who met him at the poll, I am sorry to part with you ; but, you voted for that odious bill, and I can no longer support you. Uncle Peter, said Mr. Clay, you are an old hunter. Yes I killed the first eata- mount in this precinct. You have got a good rifle. As good as anv other man'. Well, before now you've been cut hunting, and after a day of ill luck, at last came upon a noble buck. You raised your piece, look deliberate aim, and snopt! the gun missed fire. But 'twas the first, time, soys undo ret. that it ever missed, Certainly, says Mr. C. But what did you do next? Did you break the rifle across the fust log you came to? or did you peck the flint and try it again? Give us your hand, Harry, said tho old hunter, I'm satisfied. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. At a meeting of about 200 whigs of the town of Burlington, on Wednesday eve ning last, Mr. Foiled introduced a resolu tion to abolish imprisonment for debt, and in the course of his remarks stated that Mr Bradley, who was absent, was decidedly in favor of it, and as tho journals show, was in favor of it last year, after the bill was properly amended. Mr. Pomeroy also advocated tho resolution with great force. Mr. Barstow stated that Mr. Clark known to be in its favo . There to be but one mind on the subject,' resolution was adopted, unanimously. The whigs havo lokeu strong ground on this interesting topic. A resolution was adopted at the whig state convention, also, at the district and county conventions, and from this unanimity of feeling, it is to bo hoped that tho barbarous rife will be speedily abolished, and men no longer give their bodies in payment for debts. VOTING. Men sometimes say they don't like either of the candidates, and thercforo will not vote. This is wrong, and is founded in mistaken ideas of duty. There must be some mode of Felccting candidates, and when fairly selected, the freemen con only chooso between tho two. There is no other practical mode of getting along ; and unless a few havo a right, by throwing away their votes, to defeat an election, tho duty of voting for ono or the other of the regular candidates, is very strong. This might bo exemplified, but timo will not permit. There is another mitstako moro common ; to consider the vote t i evidence of per- tonal good will or a compensation Jor favors. It is easy to seo that without any oath we should give our votes in such a way as to promote tho interest of the country. VVo vote for A because he will do the most good, not because ho is our friend. We should not vote for B, though ho may bo our friend, if his political principles arc in our opinion dangerou?. Voting is a politi cal duty, for its political ofleel, and the feelings of friendship and gratitude, havo no place. If vo consider Van Btircn a dangerous President, wo cannot voto for his political adherent, though he were a brother. This would bo malting our vote venal, and allowing motives that have no connexion with the subject to bribe us from duty; and the moral guilt is the same as if we gavo our voto for money. The freeman's oath, like any other oath, precludes all notions and all considerations except those connected with tho subject. The witncEs is bound to tell the truth, tho' one of the parties may be his friend and the other his enemy ; and any coloring of bis testimony would bo perjury. The duty of the voter is ol llio same nature, and requires the same adherence to principle. Tho obligations of duty as imposed by oath arc alike upon the elector and tho elected. It will bo granted that if tho President swerve from duty by motives of friendship, it would be a great misdemeanor, but the duty is thesamo in kind that rests on the voter. Tho judge who is partial in his decision would be set down as corrupt, and so is the voter that acts from like motives. THE BANK "SENTINEL." We have been somewhat amused of lato to witness the contortions and insane ra vings of this mendacious print, on the subject of Banks. Its renders havo had little else for the Inst six months, hut bank, bank, bank, Biddlc, Biddlc, Biddlc bank, bank, bank. Mondays, its theme was tho "bank monster," and Thursdays 'twas tho "monstrous bank." Intermixed with this there has been an occasiona springling of "aristocracy, monopoly, hard money, sub-treasuries," &c. but all tum bled in together in such elegant confusion as to defy the universal Yankee nation to "guess" what the crcaturo was at. It was not against banks. O no ! for all its prin cipal candidates.for office were bank dircc. tors, stockholders, and atlornies! It was not in favor of banks. O no! for banks were unpopular! It was not in favor of a specie currency; nor yet in favor of paper. It was truly in a dreadful fix much like the truant echool-bny, who, "The reason why, he could not tell, lint this lie knew, anil knew fall well, He did not like that Doctor Fell." But the truth unquestionably is, that the fellow has got bewildered in attempting to follow the tortuous windings of the admin istration, and is now literally out upon the broad sea of experiment, without chart or compass bound, he knows not whither quite uncertain whether he is himself or not, and most profoundly lost to his early history. 'Tis but an act of duty to lead the wanderer back ; and, as a christian man, wo can do no less than put his hand in that of an old acquaintance, whom ho will doubtless recollect. i moii v . fa when it was of sound, sano, mind, and had a character for truth and voracity. Now, but 'tis unnecessary to speak of one who deems his character not worth defend ing. 'Tis ungenerous to war upon the weak and defenceless. Wo would, however, suggest a single qucre. Can tho institution obovo alluded to, "without which it was impossible to "carry on the government, which had " exerted so wholesome an influence over " the currency and business of (ho country, " against which thoro was so little ground " for complaint, and which the Sentinel " was so warmly in favor of rechartering " in 1032," bo identical with the raw- head and bloody-bones, upon which it has now mounted its catididatu for Congress i O wnd somo power the gifiie gio us, To tee ourscls us. ithers see us. John Smith forced upon tho pcoplo of this District a Inx of moro than $20,000 to build a granito palace nt Montpelicr, nnd then voted fn the Legislaturo to exclude the pcoplo llicmsclvce, from tho ueo of it J wasH 4rnu iheH MR. SMITH'S ANTI-BANK PRINCIPLES. Wo stated last week that Mr. Smith carried tho St. Albans Bank bill through tho legislatura in 103G, in defiance of the opposition of tho democratic party. The following extracts from tho published jour. nal of tho House, for that year, indicate more particularly tho naturo and extent of his views on this subject. October 29, Mr. Smith OPPOSED tho amendment to the St. Albans bank bill, offered by Mr Filch, reserving power in tho legislature to revoke tho charter at any time. lie also OPPOSED sundry amend ments proposed by Mr. Field of Wilming tun 1st, making tho directors liable lor the debts of tho corporation : 2d, requiring tho transaction! of tho bank always to be open to inspection : and 3d, prohibiting tho issuing of small bills after 1840. November 3, ho spoke in favor of the reading of tho bill. November 7, he spoke for the bill, on its final passage. Ej q There is no remedy except the people tnke the matter in hand themselves, nnd send to the Lrsisl.i Hire men who will be sufficiently independent of Bank influence to pass an Act to prohibit the circu lation of small Hills, that is, the circulation of notes ot less denomination than five dollars. Sen tinel. Two of the Sentinel's democratic condi. dates voted against this very proposition in 1036. It wa9 proposed as an amendment to the St, Albans bank bill to prohibit the issuing of bills of less denomination than g5 after 10-10. This the Hon. John Smith fought against with all his might, and finally defeated it ; and he and Mr. Haswcll both voted for the bill on its final passage, but with this provision stricken out. So much for the Sentinel's honesty ! Your lvo Democratic candidates for Senators Messrs. Ilaswell and Chittenden are in favor of of making the private properly of all siorkliolders liable for the redemption of their bills. Sentinel. Just as near the truth as the Sentinel usually gets, to wit ; the very reverse of it Mr. Haswcll and John Smith both voted in in mac Au AiNoT tho proposition to make private property holdcn for the liabil ities of I he St. Albans Bank, andUTTHRO THEIR INFLUENCE that provision was defeated. See journal of the house. THE SUB-TREASURY. Tho Sentinel endeavors to humbug the people with the idea of great and salutary results that are to flow from the sub-trcas ury system, when Congress adopts it Now be it regjpmbered, this system i: actually in operation at the present moment Mr. Cambreleng declared in his place in Congress last winter "that it was immatc "rial what course tho House took the "sub-treasury system was then practically "in operation, and EFdespite the lamtnla " lions of the people,j it would so continue "for three years to come" thus defying Congress and tho people, sn long as Mr, Van Btiren reigns. Susli an insolent avowal would have cbst any monarch in Europe his head ! But tho result is we now havo the sub treasury system, and its best aspect. When Congress legalizes the meaeure, then will como the abuses of it, pointed out by tho Globe in 1034, and to which wo invito the reader's carelul attention. For the benefit of those who do not keep an account current with the administration, wo have mado a few ex tracts from official documents, showing the 'opinion of the government and its official organs nt different periods in relation to this sub-treasury scheme, to banks, bank ing, and to tho business of the country. And what a budget of inconsistencies docs it present, contrasted with the impudent and unblushing assertions of the Sentinel Can any man longer doubt the doctrine of total depraviti .' PROFESSION vs. PRACTICE. The Divorce of Hank and State, and the em ployment of personal Agents. "In tho i emulations winch Congress may pre scribe respecting tho custody of the public money, it is desirable that as little discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe keeping, tlioulil he given to executive agents. No one cm he more deeply impressed than I am with (lie soundness of Hie ilocirine, wincii restrains ana limits, by spcciun piovisions; executive discretion, its far as it can be done consistently with the preservataon of its con stiluiional character. Iniespect to the control over the public money, this doctrine h peculiarly apnli- cable" Gtn. Jackson's Message Dec. 1835. "Individual agents will probably be found less responsible, safe convenient and economical," filian banks) Mr Woodbury's Jicport Dec. 1831. "The proposition (the "Divorce") is disorgani zing and (evolutionary, subversive of the fundi mental piluciples of our government, und its entire practice, from 1789 down to this day. "It is palpable us the sun, that the effect of the schemes would be to bring tho public treastiro much nearer theuclual custody nnd control of the 1'resident, than it is now, and expose it to be plundeied by a hundred hands, where one cannot now recal It.'" Globe, Nov. 20, 1834. "Had such a suggestion come Irom Gen. Jackson it would havo been ning through the old Dominion with the reiterated falsehood about the proclaim, tion and the protest, ns conclusive proof of all the aspirations which have been charged to the Hero of Orleans ! 'See, (.tliey would say,) here ho wishes to public money directly into llio palms of his fiiends and partisans, instead of keeping It on deposho in banks, whence it cannot ho drawn fur other Mian public pin pose, without certain detection, In such ii case, wo should feel that the people had just cause for alarm, nnd ought to give their most watchful attention to such an effort to cnlargo exe cutive power, und put in its hands the means of corruption. And are tho principles upon which Mr. Leigh expects to return to tho Senate from the laud of Jefferson. Mr Leigh knows that tho presi dent himself is opposed to the project which lie as scribes to his supporters, und that his friends In Washington, whether of the Cabinet or not, hear, lily concur with him in the course of policy it is expedient to puisue," Globe, "Tho country will sustain Iho Kxccutivo arm of Iho government In tho experiment now muKiiig io suosutuio iiiu crni 1 1; institutions for tho Bank of tho United States." Mr. tVrlzht, Jan, 1034. "Tho Stato Banks aro found fully adcnualo to tho performance of nil services which woro required from Iho Bank of tho United Slates, qultu as promptly and with tho same cheap ness." Gtn. Jackson's Message oUiU. Uy tho ueo ot llio Stato Hanks, which do not derive their characters from tho general government, and arc not controlled by its au thority, it is ascertained that tho monoys of tho United States can bo collected and disburs. cd without loss or inconvcnicnco, and that all tho wants of llio community, in relation to ex change and currency, aro supplied as well as thoy over have been bolore. Message of 1034. "It should ho constantly recollected that the owners and managers of banks, when proper ly regulated by legislative provisions in their charters, nrc, liko oilier individuals, interested to transact business securely ; aro desirous of making and not losing money ; and that tltcso circumstances, with the prel'oronco in casn of fatluro belonging lo depositors and holders of their bills over Iho stockholders, united with Iho security, if not priority, given to tho gov ernment, lender Ihotn, in point of safety, gen erally much superior lo individual agents of the United Slates. Mr. ivoodburys lieporl 1BJ4. It is cralifvini? to reflect, that tho credit given by tho government, whether to bank paper or bank agents, has been accompanied by smaller losses in tho cxpcricnco under tho system of stato banks in this country at their worst period, and under their severest calami" lies, than any other kind of credit tho govern. mcnt has given in relation lo Us pecuniary transactions." ib. In tho samo report, it is stated, that tho loss by ono motchanthad bcon greater in amount than all that had been lost by Iho banks. It is proved in Mr. Crawford's Report, that tho losses to tho government by tho employ ment of corporations as fiscal agents, havo been but 45'00lhs ot one per cent, in collecting thrco hundred and fifty millions of general revenue. "Banks cannot bo dispensed with except at tho sacrifice of all justice in regord lo the con tracts mado under a mixed currency, nor without a violation of the faith pledged in Iho legislation, whero honosily obtained by which they wcro established. Tho subject must be left to gradual icforin, to which tho pcoplo of tho respective States aro fully adc. quale." Globe. "Tho deposilcs of tho public monoy will cnablo you lo afford increased facililic to commerce, and extend your accommodations loindividuals. And as Iho duties which arc payablo to the Government arise from tho bu sincss and enterprise of tho merchants engag ed in foreign trade, it is but reasonable that they should be prcfercd in additional accomo dation, which the public depositee will enable your institution to give, wherever it can without injustice to the claims of classes of the community. JYr. Taney s Letter to the Uirard Bank Sept. 20, 1833. From the Franklin alesrenger. THE HON. WILLIAM V. BtUGGS The gentleman, whose name stands at the head of this article, havinc been unexpectedly presented lo the fieemen of this District, ns a Candidate for Congress, in opposition to the almost unanimous expression of a whig contention, convened fur that purpose, it lias become our duly to eiupiiie, by what principle of patriotism, this new instrument of discord, is thus cast among us: and nt a time too when our beloved country is literally bleeding at eicrv poie, and when, never, dining lite days of the KenubhCi vvcicwe n) eminently called upon to surrender on the altar of magnanimity, sill private and sectional feelings, und lo endeavor, in one generous effort of ditdnlcrcsied patriotism to bind mi her bleeding wouiuls. Our piesrnl worthy representative, Mr. Allen, haviiis fulfilled all the lust expectations of Ins con stiluents, and beenelecied in the usual form though with greater unanimity, as a randidale for re-elec-lion, and :h the breath ofslander can neither reach his iiublie or private character, why should we not one nnd all, unite at mice in his support 1 Even Air. Briggs himsHf, if true to his principles, will nause in his career. In llio language, ol couci lion we cordially invite him and his followers to rejoin their friends. Why does the locofoco or Van Bui en press feel so sensitive lo the pretended injuries of Air. liiiggsl Is it because it Icels any particular sympathy lur that gentleman, or that, by fanning the embers nnd thus widening the breacli. it may expect lo elevate a candidate in tho person of .Mr. Smiilt, who i now pressed upon the district with a zeal worthy a better cause. Felluvv Whigs of the fourlh district be not de ceived. Your arch enemy is at the door. By i unitv of action, (ocO'beo-Van-Buienisni lies pros date at our feet, but contend about trifles, am jour eneigies aie wasted, until, from a pioud ma mmy ou aie iciluccil lo n miscrnlilo minoiiiy Aiouae then, I cntre.it you, to a sense ol vour danger, l'ut far from jou all personal prcfeiences for candidates ; take tlioso who are most faithful and piominent, and in one solid phalanx match to the polls. Your dearest intciests, your sacred honor, nay, your c lunlry's safety, all, call you lo the combat. ukpubmuah. TRUTH OMNIPOTENT. No editor in this 6tnto was more clamor, ous in favor of the pet bank system, than Mr. Stone, formerly of tho Sentinel, now of the Castleton Statesman. But from the following, in a late number of tho Slates man, it would seem that experience ha been to him a prolitablu Fchoolmaster. " These banks discounted upon the de posites and mado large profits by such such use of the public money ; and no one can fail lo perceive that the natural desire of aft the banks to ue made depositories must inevitably opcrato as a temptation to sup port 'tho powers mat be.' " This is just what wo contended at tho time. Expeiienco has proved it, and Mr Stone, ono among many, has the honesty to acknowledge it. Thus surely dues truth sooner or later prevail. Therefore, bo of good cheer, and hold fast to tho truo faith. THE ELECTION. Next Tuesday is the people's day--tho day on which the government is to bu rc organized. Aro the pcoplo prepared ? What should bo tho character of tho gov; eminent ? It should be an economical government. During tho administration of Mr. Adams, tho complaint was thut ho wns extravagant. Col. Benton in his famous, or rather irtfa mous letter, endeavored to excito tho in dignalion of thu people. Tho greatest amount of expenditures by Mr. Adams was thirteen millions i this was doubled by Gen. Jackson, and trebled by the successor. Economy was tl.o cry. Whero now Co), Benton? U lie now for economy! or has the word lost its meaning? Ho is now voting fifteen hundred dollars n year for a gardnor's salary, the gardncr of the palace. It should promote the prosperity of the people. Has tho government done this ? havo not their measures tended rather to destroy oil fair business, to cripplo trade, and annihilatu industry ? Tho farmer, in stead of finding a ready market for his wool, sells it at low prices, or keeps it on hand. Tho government instead of consulting tho people's interest, arc striving to promoto their own. 'nnd using tho pcoplo as instru ments to help on 1 hoi r plans. What is thid but despotism. The first principlo of des potism is that tho people aro she creatures of tho government. They claim to rulu by divine right, nnd that the people aro bound to obey. Despotism cries separate the government from the people and let each' take care of themselves, This is the Ian. guage of Mr. Van Huron, nnd the conse quence is that the prosperity of the people is a secondary matter. But softly, my masters, the people will take care of them selves, and their agennts too, such care as somo of them may not relish. It would bo n waste of time to point out', in detail the injurious measures of the gov ernment : they tin va all been injurious. If any one doubts this, let him point out ono of a different character. Their measures have all ono tendency, ono object, to nd- vanco their own interests. They begin' boldly to assert this. It has been declar ed by authority, that, notwithstanding tho" decision of Congress, they wi'l pur.-uo their own plans, m spile of all lamentation. Mr. Van Uuren's leading measure, ana indeed thu only leading measure that cert be called his, is the subtrcasury, tho meas ure on which they stako their reputation as practical politicians. The avowed ob ject of this is lo sepnrate the government irom mo people nothing more nor les.- than practical despotism. Tho object of this measure cannot be mistaken, nor its probablo results on the business and pros perity of I he country. If any doubt, they aro beyond tho power of argument, and can only be convinced by that stern teach er miilbrtunc. This is one of the expert, ments and has been denounced by Mr. Van Buren's lormer friends, Rives, Preston. Tnllrnadgc, and Legnre, and voted out of Congress ; but the Vanites, in defiance of public opinion, still adhere to il. It is their last plank, and they cling to it for dear life. Blair ami Kendall hnve issued their orders, and the army of emissaries, office holders and dependants arc at their posts. Another object to bo attained by the peo. pic, is to preserve power in their own hands, the leading features of republicanism is that the people arc tho source of power, and that in order to preserve institutions in their purity, this power must be preserved. The dangers lo which our government is exposed are anarchy and despotism. It was at first feared that anarchy would bu our ruin ; but time has shown this was a mistake, and the thoughtful have long since perceived that the tendency of tho government is to despotism. This is the danger to which we arc now exposed, and it demands anxious attention. Wo must not bo so simple as to suppose that men have ceased to feel the influence of impro per motives. The timo will never como when the allurements of power will have no effect. The possession of power creates the wish to use it, and all history is full of the melancholy examples of misguided pen. pic who have confided too much and been enslnvud. This is the rock on which wo shall bo dashed ; and that the evil may net happen in our day. let us rcsitt iho at tempts thai aro making to increase tho power in the Executive. The constitution of the United States lias vestfd extensive powers in the Presi dent, sufficient for all salutary purposes ; and unless we intend to givo him a crown and regalia of royalty, we should be careful how we increase it. He is necessarily the commander of tho army and navy ; he has the power of nominating to all offices, fil ling all vacancies, &c. The executive patronage is now so great that Mr Calhoun nnd others long since sounded an alarm. He has all power but the money power givo him that, and he need ask no man's leave to pass whatever law ho pleases. Ho is dictator. It is of the nature of power that it is continually stealing from the many to the few. Hence tho people should guard against the possibility of danger. No moro power should be delegated than necessity requires, and even then it should be so guarded that tho people can resume it at pleasure, A blind confidence in rulers is an evidence that the people have begun to lose that nice perception of danger essen tial to the preservation of Itberiy. Tho strong desire to invest iho President with the dangerous control of the money power is alarming. He is simple indeed, who thinks that the President would not obueo that power. Tho President is but a man, and lias given small evidence that lie is superior to ambition. His ambition may not be of an elevated order, but in a small way and to the extent cf his capacity, ho has quite enough of it. There is no lack of evidence of his desiro fur power. His life has been ono determined struggle for it. Power has been used not for the ac complishment of grand designs, but for tho little objects of sclfishne.-s, He is a littlo and we nre not to look for great schemes. Amos Kendall is his superior in intellect. He has been behind nono in tho abuso of executive patronage, nor in tho malignity of party discipline. Gen. Jackson prevent ed tho acts of Congress from taking effect by putting their bills in his pocket ; but Van Buren went one step farther in muz zling Congress, by vetoing their bills in advance. . Is such a man tho safe depository of tho people's power ! Whero has ho 6hown bucIi magnanimity that tho pcoplo should rush into his presence and by his accept ance of arbitary power! Give him tho crown at once and ask to be his slaves. It is madness to suppose ho wishes the pas sage of tho sub-treasury bill for any good to the people. Tho people havo condemn ed it. Ho wishes it for the good it will da him, ns the moans of increasing his power, and they are blind who will not bco it. But tho pcoplo do ecu il and will reject it. They will reject nil who stand pledged for tho support of 6uch ruinous measures. As republicans they will retain power in their own hands and bo careful how they entrust I it to those who arc willing to becomo slaves.