Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, July 27, 1838, Page 2

Newspaper of Burlington Free Press dated July 27, 1838 Page 2
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energies of the yeomanry of tho country, who force them through in Iho face of the most unflinching opposition from o class of politicinnsnf which my colleague is o prom, incnt leader. And what has not this system done for the very city whine voico was constantly raised, throunli tier representatives, in ro jentless hostility to it i Has it not, by poo pling with astonishing rapidity tho vast and fertile regions of the Wo!, stimulating industry and enterprise by securing to both a rich reward, and pouring the full tributes of this industry and en'urprNo into thnt metropolis has it not thus given employ ment to her laboring pupula'ion noiistitu tcd her citizens the factors and agents of now commonwealths, nnd made her the very centre, the commercial heart of a mighty nation? Yet, sir, this is the city which her distinguished representative told us tho other diy had boon made a victim and a sacrifice by the unjust and oppressive legislation of tho State and General Gov ernments from their very origin down to tho late free-banking law ! And now, when the friends ofthe great agricultural interests ofthe West nro here laboring for appropriations to complete the improve menls already begun improvements that will invito increased trade and travel to the city of New York we have to encounter tho same opposition with which the advo caies of the system have been doomed to strugghi whenever and whorevor they have been called upon to plead its cause. Mr. Chairman, if I could bring myself to believe that the sentiments ofthe people of New York are in accordance with those which have been to-day pal forth by one of their representatives on this floor I had almost said that, if I believed this, I would lio willing to see that city left to the lull fruition of the doctrines of tho gentleman, and those who c operaio wiih him. Bui no, sir, partaking in the honest and patriot ic pride with wheh our people contemplate tho growth and prosperity of their com mercial metropolis, and believing that her true interests are in enure harmony with those ofthe great interior, I shall still feel impelled to exert my humble powers here, as 1 have done elsewhere, for the common good of both. As a citizen of iho State ol New York, I cannot beir to see the 'brightest jewel in her diadem' grow dim under the influence of a self destroying policy. Amongst other means of opposition to which my colleague has resorted! nnd for the purpose of exciting a certain class of prejudices against the bill, he charged, and charged as matter of reproach, to the dis tinguished member from Massachusetts. (Mr. Adams) that tho policy upon which il is founded had its origin under his Admin istration. Unfortunately for tho object which my colleague had in viow, he has mistaken the fact. Tho policy of extending security and protection to that portion of the property ol our fellow. citizens which floats upon the waters was adopted long anteiinr to the pe liod when the gentleman referred to admin istered the Government. It did not ori ginate with him or in his time, but it came down to him from his illustrious predeces. snrs. To thai gentleman belongs the praise of having pursued, with enliglned zeal, a policy in itself wise end beneficent ; but he does not claim, as he does not need, all the honor which my colleague would ascribe to him. Driven from this ground of attack, my Colleague takes another position- ile transfers the reproach, first directed against 1he gentleman from Massachusetts, to the Representatives of the people, and reads them a spirited lecture for having ventured to originate a policy which had not the sanction of Execniive recommendation. No President uf the United Slates,' 6ays 'the honorable chairman, in his corrected Btatcinent, 'is responsible for this policy. It sprang up on this fl nr, nnd is one of tlie improvident measures of Congress.' Sir, although tho gentleman's second position is nearer the true one than his first, ho is not yet quite right: and odious as this bill seems to be in the eyes ol my colleague, under the assumption that tho policy which lies at tho foundation of it he gan with those who are the constitutional originators of all measures connected with the revenue, I am not sure that I shall rco der it any more acceptable to hun by enr reeling his mistakes of pedigree. I musi, however, be permitted to inform tho gen tletnan that the parentage of that policy i a little higher than ho imagines. It wa born omongsl tho People, and is of the People, It was conceived in the clear anil vigorous intellect of tho producing dase of the country, who had the sagacity to perceive that tho cost of carrying properly to market was a tax upon industry, and mat whatever lessened the price or the hazards of such transportation, whether by diminishing the rates of lolls or insuranci or in any other mode, added iust so much to the value of the product ions of labor and of land, at the cranarv or in the work shun. No, sir, Tnie system did not spring into lire in me -wiute house or in this hall. H owes its vitality to those who are less on gaged in governing communities than they are in laying their foundations and building them up to the unostentatious, laborious and useful classes of society ; who, less scrupulous than my colleague, hold to the only, not only ot multiplying and replen ishing the earth, but of subduing it also Let Iho gentlemon rail at th'.m. Congress has had no other part or lot in this mailer Ihnn to carry into effect tho wishes of its constituents. I hopo that my attempts to trace the genealogy of the system will not render I his bill Inss comely in tho eyes of tho committee j but my colleague, who has been a member of Iho Houso for many years, understands what motives inflocnc its action better than I do. and I might infer from one argument which he pressed upon tus friend, imt jf n,0 president, in elcad of tho People, had directed us to pass this bill, thero wonl.l n0t nt, nny difficulty in uiu case; or, n i were to judgo from 111 almost innumerable appropriation bill which nave crowded in before, nml l(,.m back this bill, and passed the Mouse, with the zealous support of my colleague, under the authority of Executive recommendation 1 might come to the same conclusion. My colleague would make a oartv rnllv 1n opposition to tho bill. Ho anneals to his political friends, and asks thorn, jf thoy nro proparod to voto an appropriation that has nut been called for by thu Presi dent or by tho head of any Department of the Government, and which, if g'nnlcd, mut lend still further to embarrass the Administration, and givo color to the false clamor of extravagance that is made iigatiHt it?" And then he informs us. ns if 'by authority,' that 'tho Admini-tralhn will 'nut bo responsible for this measure.' Sir, Iho Administration is not responsible for this measure. My colleague gives him-elf needleos alarm. Nobody will think of imnuiing it to the Executive. It has not nny ofthe features of an Administrn lion menure. Why, sir, this is a bill for the benefit ol thu People, not the Goueru mcnt. Il might with propriety be entitled an net to promote the interest ofthe pro ducing classes in the United States. Now bills with such characteristics arc not npt to come hero with tho function of the Eve cutivo recommendation. That would look like a reunion ofthe interests of tho Gov ernment and iho People. It would not smack sufficiently of "divorce." Oh, no, sir. iho People must not expect too much ofthe Government." Besides, among the eminent qualities nod services attributed to iho present Chief Magistrate by hu mends boliave nobody claims for hnn tho merit of much zeal for works of public utility- works which accrue to the benefit of tho great mnss of the community, without dis linction ol parly or sect. If any gentle man can point me lo a measure oi inni character which this distinguished states man has originated, or of which, in the long career of his public life, he has been the early and prominent friend or advocate, I shall be obliged for the information. No such memorial of his usefulness has fallen under my observation. My colleague may. therefore, dismiss his apprehensions. I he President would not follow in his own toot- steps if ho favored this bill, and the Admin istration derives neither responsioiiiiy nor reputation from tho measure. I acquit them of both. The object ofthe chairman of the com mittee of Wovs and Means in referring lo the charge of extravagance, in connexion with this bill, was probably two fold. First as a inake-weigot against the bill: but, secondly, and chiefly, for effect else where. It was doubt less intended as a cue for others, and I should not be surprised In find those who ore in the habit of inking their cue from tho honornblo gentleman Mowing this also. I should not besur- prised to see a concerted elf irt to transfer iho responsibility of oxiravnganco in expen Inures from the Executive to onngrnss But. sir. that cannot bo done. The fact are too obvious and stubborn to admit of such a transposition of liability. How stands the fads? hy sir. at the commencement of the session ihe Execu tive sends us the budget of estimates for the expenses for the Government. These estimates, we are told, proceed upon the most economical basis, andthal they are as low as the Government can possibly get on with. They amount, for the present year, to about thirty millions of dollars. riv chairman of ihe Committee ot Ways & Means forthwith reports appropriation bills in conformity with these demands of ihe Government, and from time to lime in the progross of the session, gies us a fresh hatch, founded upon furl her estimates. These bills arc pressed upon onr nlteniion in rapid succession. We are told tnat the money must be granted at once; that ihe wants ol ttie Oovernment uduiit ol no delay if any member presumes to question the necessity or propriety of nny item in thai class of appropriations, ho is denounced as a In clous oppsitioni't, and an enemy to hi" conniry, who would "slop the wheels of ts Uovernment, and lay it prostrate at t no feet uf the banks." In this way. sir. does the Government lake care of itself," and supply its wnnts Bu when Iho people propose to "taku can' of themselves," and, after having grained more than thirty millions for ihe use ofthe Government, come here and osl lor les- han a million and a half of their own nvni V. for their own use, the chairman ol the commiiipc of Ways and Means straightway wrnps hnn-ell in the mantle nt economy and talks gravely of extravagance, ami threatens l hose who voto for this bill with he responsibility of all charges of thai kind that may be brought against the Ad ministration. Now. I tell iho gentleman again, that his plan will not work. He couiiol make this bill ihe scapegoat for all the sins of prodigality that lie ni the door of the Executive. The nianile is not broad enough. Ho cannot conceal thirty-two millions with less than one-t wentinih part ofihal sum, even if he pays the fraction in Treasury notes- air, if it be true, ns my colleague inti mates, that the system of internal improve ments was carried to such a ruinous extent, under the Administration of the gentleman from Massachusetts, how did it hapnen that i ho average annual expenses ofthe Govern, mem including appropriations for thai objec', then fell short of thirteen millions whilst the present Admiiuslinimn requires more than thirty millions, exclusive of that description of expenditure ? II the Federal Government bo wisely administered in proportion as il spares from moderato revenues to works of peacolol cnicrprwe nnd permanent utility, which extend their bl-'ssings and benefits alike lo all, then tho administration of the venera ble gentleman on my right may proudly challenge a comparison wiih nny that has succeeded it. Oi the more than thirty nine millions of dollars expended by this (loverninonl during the last year, how much has come homo to the dwellings am business of Iho People? How much tins left its impress upon the permanent features ot the country? Where can tho indusiri "us classes put their fingers upon Ihe investment of it and say, Thesn things will benelii ourselves nnd our children? Where are tho loot prints of this mighty expundi turn ? What has becomo of Iho money ? oir, I will lull you what has become ot the most of it. Buried in die swamps of Hondas gone into the pockets of favorite contractors, at the rate of forty dollars cord for firewood: sown, binadeast. driving from their hum s n few miserable Indium, at tho point ol iho bayonet, upon your Western Ironlior, there to re-appear, like dragon's tnclh, in a harvest of armed men; gono to outfit, unit, refi', and initfii foroign ambassadors who will not stay, and exploring expeditions that da nut sail j to raze to ruins splendid edifices, and make experiment, in architecture that cannot rdand alone ; to odd lo your countless acres of public domain morn Indian lands, fur the benefit of speculators nnd land companies under pre-emption laws : much of it has gouo into thu pockets of olace-holders i much lias been sponged up by the Miporid- tai'ics and mercenaries of power scattered through nil the highways and by-paths where booty may be secured: and no small portion might bu found, if it could be over taken, in Hie 'safety vaults' of your 'two legged Sub Treasuries.' Mr. Chairman, outlays of Ihoie descrip tions do not carry many public ble.-sings along with them to the generation that now is, or that which is to come. They may build up private fortunes, accumulate large misses nf wealth in the hands of individuals, givo employment to swarms of reiaini rs and favorites, and support many men in idleness and luxury; but they do not diffuse univor sal and enduring benefi's, or tend to pro mole the genera! prosperity. To my ap prehension the expenditures contemplated by the bill now under consideration are of the latter character. As such, it commends itself to my judgment and my sympathies, and will, I hopo, bo favorably regarded by tho committee. I speak of the general principle of the bill. If there is any im proper item of appropriation contained in it, any specific work winch ought not to be provided for, any thing injudicious or ex cessiecin Ihe details ofthe measure, I will go wiih gentlemen in correcting it, and shall he glad to have the error pointed out. But my collcagun does not nllogc any Hung of this kind. M goes against the 1 whole bill. He cannot vole, he savs for an v part of it, nnd amongst the restraining influences I think ho enumerated certain constitutional scruples. Well, sir, I be lieve I have noiiced ull tho objections which were urged by the gentleman except Hi is last, and I confess my embarrassment in deciding how to treat Hint. Scruples in regard to constitutional power have go' to be very much like scruples of conscience in matters ol faith. Whenever refuge is ta. ken behind cither, yon have only lo ascer tain their precise extent, and. if they cover the point in dispute, there is an end of ilie argument : the whole quest inn then resolves itself into a mailer of conscience, with which il would, of course, be very indelicate to interfere; Had my colleague given us tho boundaries of Ins consuioi lonal scru ples, and they had beon found co. extensive with the bill, the debate on I hat poin would have beco closed. But in my ignor aoce ofthe latitude and longitude, I am at a loss lo know whether ho confines the constitutional power, as some do. lo the salt water, or carries it, as some others do, into iho fresh water also, and, if into the fresh at oil, how far. For instance, there is a point some distance up the Hudson river, known as the 'Overslaugh,' or over slow, but some sometimes called by those who navigate that stream -Marcy's Farm.' lor tho sake of brevity and euphony. I should be g'ad to know whether the gen tleman's line of consiHotional powpr rnn nbove or below Ihe 'overslaugh.' If fcerjio that point, then a new line must have been run since the pear 1336; for. by tho Jour nals of iho House, now before me, I find that my colleague then voted on appropria tion for improving the navigation of the Hudson nt thai place. Now, sir, I cannoi comprehend that refinement of ca-uistry which inakos il constitutional to help the navigation of the Hudson, and uncoiislitu tional io improve that of (he Mississippi. Cumberland and Allegany rivers, or ol ihe great lakes. Tiie obstructions at tho 'overslaugh' pro duce great loss and inconvenience to the people of Ihe West and North. Much val liable property is arrested and ice-bountl by the closing ofthe canals in consequence of its detention upon that bottom The lull before us comnins nn uppropri,itinri of $100,000 for completing the removal of ihoso obsi rue ions. Does my colleagii" inieml to stop that work also? Han an up propriaiion for this object become unconsii, or is it 'in the wrong lull?' I leave tho gentleman to adjust this mailer will) iheci izens of Albaov and ll"n-selai;r. d those who trade through the Cham- plain eana1. We, ofthe Wesi.ihink there is a short and easy remedy lor onr troubles by turning tho Erie Canal into the Hud son. a little below 'ihe Farm.' I will not longer detain the committee I have considered, as folly as time allowed nil I lie objections which mv colleague has urged agiiinst tin-- bill, and I cannot dis cover, hi a I or tneni, any good reason h r withholding from it mv support ; no, not even in the menace of the ayes and noe wiih which he closed Ins speech L How fa the geiiileman'a friends ma feel flattered hy the compliment implied in tiiat threat is for I hem-elves to decide. But my respect for tho-e n h whom I am associated will not nllow me to stipp 8o that nny opinion! will be changed by ihe terrors of the record I apprehend ihe ucoi h-ionn will lake noih- ing by his motion. For myself. 1 say. with my honornblo colleague. (Mr. Foster.) thai 1 mn willing my vole, in lavor nt this bill should go forth wiih that of iho chairman ol the committee ol ways ami means ngainsi it. I am wiling and desirious that all ihe great and growing communities which send their production and receive their supplies ilirotigli the lakes and their connect inj channels, should know who is for arresting al once and forever, all further improve. menls upon tho watorsthat wnsh the shores or irrignto the farms ol Wi-cotisin. oi Michigan, Northern Illinois, Indiana. Ohio Penn-vlvania, and Western and Northern Now York. I wish the country to know who is prepared to soo all those unfinished winks designed for harbors of refuge and havens ol rest tuinhlo into ruins and block up the positions ihey occupy. Sir, the honorable chairman of tho com niilleo of ways and means has chosen his ground and onlorleed Ins banner, hot him and those for whom ho speaks, abide the issue. Dr. N. R. Smith of Baltimore has been appointed o flio Chair of Theory ond Prac tco in ho Medical Depnidncnt of Iho Transylvania Univorsity, at Lexington, Ky. Lieut. James Broom, nf tho U. S. Navy, has boon cashiered awl swept from tho roll, by order ot a court martial at Philadelphia IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. NO. f. Tho subject of imprUonmont for debt seems fast gaining upon public attention, and from present appearances it may stand a chance for a fair hearing before Ihe Leg islature. It has become tho fashion of late at public meetings to resolve that imprison mcnt for debt should bo abolished. It is truo but very little reliance can be placed on these resolutions; thoy nro often got up for cfToct and are soon forgotten. Thoso who wish to gain favor with the dear peo ple propose these resolutions, so full of gen erosity, and thcro drop the subject. The course taken however is an Indication thai tho subject ts considered important, and truety it is. Indeed (hero is scarcely one more so, and it is In be hoped that some man will dare to bring the subject fairly before the next Legislature. In order lo fix attention and enable those who lake any interest in the mailer tho belter to sen the bearings of it, I beg leavo through the columns of your paper, to offer a few remarks on Iho propriety of abolishing imprisonment for debt. Having heretofore addressed tho public on tho samo topic, I may fall into the same course of reasoning, in some measure, nor shall I attempt lo avoid it, for I think the reasons offered then were well founded, and if so they are right now. Next to reputation nothing can be moro mportant to any man than personal liberty. It is one of the dearest gifts that God ever gave, and the man who does not prize it in himself and respect it in others should be marked by tho finger of scorn. The liberty of Ihe citizen is a chief care of government, it is tho second grand object for which civil institutions are founded and upheld. Life, liberty, and properly are the three sacred charges fur which men unite together in society, and the government that fails to protect every citizen in the perfect enjoyment of liberty does not answer the end for which it was instituted. How much less then does it perform its legitimate object when it authorizes the deprivation of liberty, and undor the forms of law allows one citizen to thrust another in'o prison. This practice has become so common that it excites little or no attention, but the right is without any foundation. There is not a single argu ment to justify it it is as groundless as the claim of the slaveholder, and as iniquitous in the sight of heaven. It may be thought strong language thus to impeach an usage that has become venerable, but I ask my readers to consider tho subject carclully and learn, if they can, on what ground it can be justified. The right of the govern. ment to imprison for crimes is admitted. or if they have the right to take life ihey may take limb. Il does not lollow how ever, that because government may im prison, individuals may do the same, even for crimes. No power short of I lint which can sacrifice mo waoie uiuiviuuui deprive him of a part. The right to im. prison rests on the principle that the whole man, life and body is subject to the disposal ofthe povcr'that imprisons. Oovernment may order the execution of a criminal, and give his body to be dissected, but individu als in no case have any power over the bodies of their fellows. Tho right ol the creditor to imprison his debtor is without any foundation, except on Iho principle that he has power over the whole man, ond consequently if he may imprison fur a m iment. he may continue it for years may sell him in the market, or dispose of his dead body lo the surgeons. This proposi tion is too dreadful for endurance, but it is only following up tho argument to the only principle on which il can bo founded, only showing that its consequences demonstrate the fallacy of the principle. The right of imprisonment cannot bo founded on the principle that a failure of payment is a crime. Neglect of payment may be on injury, and for Ibis the pnrly injured may have redress; but neglect ot payment is not a crime, and by no obliquity of thought or perversion of languago can i: bu made to bca; that construction. It is, however, one of those self-evident proposi tions thai cannot bo made plainer by argu ment. If it were a crime it would by no means follow that authority ta punish is conceded to the creditor. In cases of undisputed crimes, thuro is ever an injury inflicted upnn somo individual, but still the power and the right of punishment remains in the stato. Tho utmost license that is granted lo individuals is lo allow them In bo witnesses, and even this is by 6ome considered dangerous. Imprisonment cannot be justified on tho ground that there is on implied contract between Iho creditor and debtor that the creditor shall have the right to imprison, To thoso who have tho least acquaintance with tho (henry of government or tho making ol laws, it is well known that there are contracts which ore termed void, and of this sort is that under consideration. A contract in writing, exocuted with all solemnity imaginable, that on failure of payment the creditor might soizo the) debtor and detain him until payment, would bo instantly declared void by the courts; and there can bo no implied contract in cases whero tho parties arc not at liberty to make on express contract. Partios arc at liberty to make contracts creating liens upnn their property, as in (he case of tnortages, and therefore the law piay well imply a contract creating a lien upon property in all cases of neglect or failure of payment. It is on the ground of an implied lien that the creditor has the right of taking properly on execution and selling it, tho law wisely regulating the manner of sale. But tho law recognizes no lien upon a man's body. This is too sacred for the touch of noy power short of the supreme power in the state. A man's blood and bones arc not his own, they are his makers, and subject only lo that power to whom God in his providence has com mitted ihe charge. Society and govern, ment are natural ordinances in the provi dence of God, and to those, and to thoso only is committed power over the life and body of man. The proposition that man has the right of bartering away his body or his life is lilllo short of blasphemy, and carried out to its utmost limits would justify Buicido. But I fear I am pushing tho argument further than is necessary. It is important that the question of tho right of imprison, ment should bo carefully considered, and if I have succeeded in awakening ottcntion to the subject it is sufficient. I have by no means said all that tho case admits, neither is it necessary, it is better that men should think and follow out tho argument themselves. In my next number I will endeavor to show that, admitting the legality of impris onrncnt, it is unnecessary and impolitic as a means of enforcing tho payment of debts. A. B. F It I I) A V M O It N I N (i, J U L Y 27. Fur Governor, SILAS K. J HNTX30N. For Lieut. Governor, DAVID 2ft. OAIYIP. For Treaiurer, HSNTa? F JANES. SENATORS I'OR CHI I' TEN DEN COUNTV JOHN N. I 'itlHKOY, JOSEPH C1.A.KK. For Congress HON. HEKZAltf ATXEN. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION. Tho biennial election for member of Con gress approaches, and from the note of pro paration, we may expect that tho contest will be a spirited one. E ich political party having nominated their candidates, the bat lie may be said to have commenced, and it is for Ihe independent freemen of the Dis trict lo decide the issue. Shall the odinin-i-lralion bo upheld in their course of roio or shall the people once more be allowed to exercise t heir legitimate political powets in the direction of public measures ? Ii would seem that the time had come when that portion of Ihe administration parly who intend to bo guided by reason, would abandon the support of men whose meas ures have brought ruin to their doors. We have a right to draw that conclusion from ihe fact that in other Slates they have done so, and that the freemen of this District are as intelligent and upright as the free men of I hose States Witness Maine, Rlnde I-lanil, Connecticut, New York. North Carolina, Virginia, Mississippi, and lately Louisiana. N" less than eighi Stales have changed their political charac ter wi'hin life current year. And will Bphroim h'dd fast to his idols forever! The change may bo more si w in this Dis trict, from the unbounded influence exer cise) by the Gov't, through its Marphals, Collectors, Deputy Cnllectors, Breakwater Agents, Gut Agents, nnd their thousand and one dependants, It would he a subject of curious speculation to ascertain I lie a mount of ninnies disbursed by government to its agents and dependants in this Dis Irict, and to loarn tho names and number ol this army of dependants, and I hopo 6ome ono will do it fur tho good of the country. It is not loo much to say, that the govern ment consider il a great point to carry this Districts hence the great preparalinn that is in progress, and henco the government exert moro influence in this District than in tho whole State beside. But thuro are men, and those not a few, who will no lon ger givo the administration their support. Many a bold heart will strike for his coun try, though some will yd bo left like hired mourners al a funeral to play their part, and like them expect their reward for their boartlcsa service. It is peculiarly characteristic of some parties that they acquiro courage from do feat, ond that their exertions aro in propor tion to tho desperation of tho contest. Thus at tho last election Mr Allen had a clear majority of more than twelve hundred and fifty over tho strongest man of tho party; they ogain assume a bold from, ant) not only so, but select as their candidalo a man who, in six short years, has attached himself to every party in the Stale, ond for whose present political opinions not one of the parly will pledge himself It is matter beyond dt-pute that he is claimed by somo of both parties, and it may be moro than conjectured that within thirty days he has given assurances to gentlemen of both par. ties that ho is with each. A leading Whig is known to have declared that he was Whig enough for him, and yet he consents to bo nominated by the Van Buren Convention. What assurances ho gave to the committee that waited on him, not with the assem bly's catechism, but with the catechism of the party, wo know not. It is sufficiently singular however, hat any man who has the assurance to put himself forward as a candidate, should find it necessary to make a declaration of his fa it h, rather than point to the better evidence of his life. If ho does not blush at this, then truly othors ought to blush for him. There must be somo good reason for this strange solution, and we need not conj re turn loog to find it it is tho expectation lhal he will be able to draw off a portion of the Whig votes. The party can givo no higher evidence of their weakness than this nomination. II. is virtually acknowl edging that they have no man of their own thai they can run, and they do well thus to take a man from the fence. But no party ever succeeded by a manoeuvre, and thi3 trick. Iiko all others of its kidney, will fail. Whigs will never fall into such a trap as this and put a pin here and mark the prophecy instead of gaining Whig votes, ihey will lose their own. To sup pose otherwise is to lake it for gronted tint men love lo bo deceived. It is apparent that the expected aid is principally in Franklin and Grand Isle Counties, but I will not do the freemen of thoso counties the injustice even to discuss the possibility of such a course. There is neither possi bility nor probability. The Whigs of I hose counties arc freemen of great intelligence, of honorable views and of upright inten tions, and there is neither doubt nor un certainty as to their course. Grand sle county gave Mr Allen a majoriiy at ihe last election5 that niojority will be doubled. Franklin county gave him a majority of over six hundred, and we fee! assured that it will not be lessened. Another vain hope is that there will be a split among the Whigs ; bot there is noth ing on which to found such an expectation. This hope had a momentary foundation in tho nominal ion of Mr Briggo, by Richmond and two other towns. But there is noth ing new nor surprising in this. Mr Allen is not the only man of tho party able to represent the District. There are other strong men, and among them is Mr Briggs, and it is tho most natural thing in the world that Mr Bnggs' warm anil particular friends should desire to put htm in nomina tion, but every one who witnessed the do ings of the convention at Cambridge, and saw the harmony and good feeling that characterised Ihat meeting, will smile at the delusion of the Vmi Buren parly. Mr Briggs' pirticular friend, the delegate from Richmond in behalf of Mr Briggs, acceded to the nomination made by the convention, and Mr Briggs is the last man to oppose any porsonal claims to the decision of his political Iriends. There is one point of danger and but ono growing out of the inattention of Whig vo lets. It is a point, though perfectly ioex plicable, that supineness is always charac teristic of tho Whigs. At the last election (hero were C277 votes polled, all told, whereas there are probably ten Ihousand. Of this number ihe Whigs cast only 2768 and in all probability their actual number is twice that. What argument shall be addressed to freemen to induce them to exercise a right, tho dearest that freemen can enjoy, the least encroachment of which would bo do fended in blood! To tell them tho exercise ofthe elective franchise is a duty, ii only saying what ihey know and feel lo be im portant. There is one view ol Iho subject that has power to arrest attention, tho right of electing is not strictly a porsonal right, it is a trust held by each as well for his country as for himself. Many a man wi'l neglect attending the polls, if the right oulv affects hiinseif, when the cnnsciousnes that he is aciing forothera also.will be sure to command his attendance. It is a fine trait in character, and still it is to be lamen ted that men should over require pursur sious for iho performance of a duty of high order, even though it affected themselves only. Of one thing we may bo almost cer tain, every Van Buren man will bo on iho ground, armed and equipped according to order, and well will it be if there art not

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